Rise of an Empire: Spain's Rebirth
Chapter 24

Suppressing the Rebellion in Cuba

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As soon as the two decrees—free Literacy Education and agricultural tax cuts—were issued, the Spaniards were surprised to discover that the king above their heads did not seem quite so much of an eyesore anymore.

At least during Queen Isabella's reign, the government would never have taken the initiative to cut agricultural taxes, much less establish any free literacy education.

But for Carlo, this was merely the resolution of one troublesome matter.

As early as the Spanish Revolution, the Cuban colony had seized the opportunity to launch a war of independence, occupying several cities, convening a so-called constitutional assembly, and electing a president.

This was unacceptable to Spain, because Cuba was the most valuable of all Spanish colonies and one of the few that generated positive revenue.

If Cuba were lost, not only would the Spanish government's annual fiscal income take a heavy hit, it would also deal a blow to the prestige of Carlo, the newly appointed king, and the new cabinet.

The current Kingdom of Spain government was gradually getting on track. It was time to deal with the restless Cuban colony and create more revenue for the Spanish government.

The Cuban rebels were not numerous at the moment, nor did they possess any advanced weapons or equipment. For the Spanish government, aside from having to cross the Atlantic Ocean to fight at such a distance, there were no major problems to overcome.

Thus, the first relatively large-scale war since Carlo became king officially began.

Secretary of State for War Serrano led 5,500 soldiers in a grand procession to Cuba to suppress the rebellion, striving to eliminate the Cuban insurgents to the greatest extent possible.

Though this campaign to suppress the rebellion was not particularly large in scale, it was also an opportunity for Carlo. Caman Esposito and Andrew Rosso would both join the campaign as low-ranking officers.

Carlo expected them to establish a certain degree of merit in this campaign, which would make it easier for him to promote and appoint them afterward.

The more capable Giotto, meanwhile, was kept in Madrid by Carlo to command the 500-man palace guard. It could not be helped—Carlo's safety was the greater priority, and someone he trusted had to be responsible for the Royal Palace's security.

Carlo still trusted Serrano's military ability. More importantly, Serrano had served as Governor of Cuba for three years, from 1859 to 1862, and was relatively familiar with the situation there.

Sending him to Cuba to suppress the rebellion was the most suitable choice, and the one most likely to resolve the Cuban issue within a short time and ensure that Cuba would not rebel again for some time afterward.

As for matters further in the future, they were not within Carlo's consideration.

To Carlo, Spain's colonies scattered across the world were instead a burden upon Spain.

Cuba lay an entire Atlantic Ocean away from Spain, yet was separated from the United States by only the Florida Strait.

Having won the Civil War, the United States already possessed the potential to become the world hegemon, and its overall national strength was continuously increasing.

For Spain, having its most valuable colony sitting at the Americans' doorstep meant Spain was destined to be unable to hold onto Cuba.

Rather than that, it would be better to voluntarily give up Cuba at an appropriate time, exchanging it for other colonies that might not be as valuable but could be held firmly in hand.

The Philippines were the same. In Carlo's plans for Spain's future, both Cuba and the Philippines had to be abandoned. The foundation of Spain's colonial holdings lay in Africa.

But precisely because Cuba was one of the few Spanish colonies capable of generating positive returns, persuading the public to accept its loss would be extremely difficult.

At the very least, Spain would not carry out a Colony Swap until Carlo possessed sufficient prestige to bear such a loss, or until a favorable opportunity arrived.

On September 22, 1869, Carlo saw Serrano off in Madrid as he departed for Cuba. Carlo personally promised all the Spanish soldiers that when they returned triumphantly to Madrid, he would hold a celebratory banquet for them and grant land and titles to those who rendered great service.

Titles bestowed for military merit held considerable appeal for soldiers. This was also one of the most effective opportunities for people from the lower classes to climb upward.

Serrano and Primo himself were both representative figures who had received titles through military merit. Though Spanish soldiers did not harbor ambitions as great as becoming Dukes or Marquises, striving to obtain rewards of land and money was still perfectly possible.

Not long after Carlo returned to the Royal Palace from seeing Serrano off, a guard came to report that Prime Minister Primo requested an audience.

Ever since Carlo had fulfilled his promise and firmly supported the reforms, Primo's attitude toward Carlo had become exceedingly respectful, and he was willing to cultivate a monarch-minister relationship worthy of praise with him.

This was also good news for Carlo. Just as now, Primo often sought Carlo's opinion on many matters and was willing to leave certain decisions to Carlo.

Although Primo was not like Garibaldi, utterly without ambition for power or status, neither was he someone who acted arbitrarily and monopolized authority.

Carlo was more than happy with this cooperative relationship. Gaining some reformist prestige by following Primo, then gradually cultivating his own confidants within the government and military, preparing to take over the country after Primo—this too was part of Carlo's plan.

"Your Majesty, this is the industrial development proposal. Please approve it." The instant he met Carlo, Primo handed over a long-prepared industrial plan and got straight to the point.

"Are we starting industrial construction already? Prime Minister Primo, if I remember correctly, it seems our government does not have that much money to build industry." Carlo was somewhat surprised by the speed of Primo's reforms.

The reforms in education and agriculture had been underway for less than a month. Why was he immediately beginning industrial development as well?

For Spain, whose government was currently desperate for funds, launching so many projects at once was not a good thing. Carlo could understand Primo's eagerness for quick success, but if Spain's government faced a bankruptcy crisis simply from pursuing speed, the loss would outweigh the gain.

"The first phase of industrial construction is expected to require 55 million Pesetas. I plan to issue approximately 25 million Pesetas in industrial government bonds in batches. The remaining 30 million Pesetas can be obtained by borrowing from foreign capital.

As long as we can advance industrial development, our economic situation will improve over the next few years, and Spain's terrible circumstances can be comprehensively improved," Primo explained.

Queen Isabella's government had cared only for its own indulgence and ignored national development. This had caused construction in every aspect of Spain to stagnate for a long time, even to the point of regression.

The only good news was that the previous government, which had ignored development, had not borrowed heavily from abroad. The current Spanish government could still obtain some initial project funding through loans.

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