More Terrifying Than Prussia

Carlo's mood was quite wonderful.

This banquet had resolved the issue he most wanted to address—establishing an institution that united all nobles, ensuring Carlo's influence over the entire aristocracy. Although the nobles in attendance were only a portion of Spain's entire aristocratic class, most of the dukes with higher status and influence were present, except for those too far away or delayed by other matters, such as the Duke Serrano, who was far off in Cuba. He believed that once the news of the Royal Council's establishment was announced, it would attract even more nobles to apply for membership.

This was also an opportunity for the nobles to show their stance. Those who eagerly applied to join the Royal Council were naturally willing to support Carlo. And those unwilling to declare their membership were effectively refusing to back him, casting doubt on their loyalty to Carlo. While Carlo was creating the Royal Council to win over a portion of the nobility, in northern Spain, the dialogue between France and Prussia over peace negotiations was also drawing to a close.

In fact, according to the compensation draft signed between Prussia and France, the French government only needed to pay Prussia an indemnity of two hundred million francs. This indemnity was not harsh; France could even complete the payment immediately. But with the evolving situation within Paris, the terms of the peace talks quickly shifted.

Although the French Government of National Defense had suppressed the first uprising of the Paris Citizens, it had not completely dispelled the increasingly fierce opposition of the Paris Citizens toward the government. Especially after learning that the government might cede French territory, the Paris Citizens were furious, losing all trust in the government entirely. The enraged Paris Citizens gathered once again, sparking an uprising even larger than the last.

Though the Government of National Defense suppressed it promptly, for the furious Paris Citizens, there was no choice left but to resist resolutely. The demoralized troops of the Government of National Defense held no advantage against the impassioned Paris National Guard. In fact, many government soldiers bore no hostility toward the National Guard, treating them like brothers and repeatedly passing along intelligence favorable to them.

Within Paris, there were two strategically vital high grounds: the Montmartre Heights and the Belleville Heights. Large quantities of artillery and other weapons were stored there, and the Government of National Defense naturally could not allow these arms to fall into the hands of the Paris insurgents. But when attempting to seize these heights, mutiny broke out within the government forces themselves. General Claude Martin Lecomte, tasked with attacking the Montmartre Heights, not only failed in his mission but was executed by his own soldiers in a mutiny. The reason for his execution was that General Lecomte had ordered his men to fire on the Paris National Guard and ordinary citizens.

As the Paris uprising raged on, the French Government of National Defense was horrified to find its own army becoming unmanageable. The government's army was originally composed of insurgents, making its composition highly complex. Although the capitalists held sway over the government's discourse, the army contained many soldiers with Republican, Democratic, and other ideologies. Compared to the treasonous capitalist government, these soldiers clearly supported the newly risen Paris National Guard.

Seeing the situation spiral out of control, the Prime Minister of the Government of National Defense, Thiers, was so frightened he dared not remain in Paris, choosing to relocate the government to Versailles, over ten kilometers away. Why Versailles? Because German troops were still stationed there. For the officials of the Government of National Defense, their fear of the Paris insurgents outweighed their fear of the German army. The Germans might demand ceded land and monetary compensation, but the Paris insurgents would send them to the guillotine or string them up on lampposts.

Whether national interests or personal safety mattered more was a question these French officials of the Government of National Defense didn't need to ponder. Bismarck, preparing for the coronation of the German Empire in Versailles, laughed. He hadn't expected the French to hand him such an opportunity—wasn't this a free gift to the soon-to-be-established Germany? Bismarck would not let this chance slip, and neither would the Junker nobility within Prussia.

Prussia was a rather unique country; the Junker nobility held immense influence and status there. If France was a country with an army, then Prussia was an army with a country. This was why the Prussian military was so formidable, but it also shaped Prussia's foreign policy. What did the nobles fight for? Naturally, to elevate their titles and seize more land. How to seize more land? By taking it from France and having the Junker nobles divide it among themselves. After all, the nobles weren't philanthropists; they didn't fight hard for King William I of Prussia without reward—the payment simply had to come from the defeated France.

Could Bismarck ignore the powerful influence of the Junker nobility within Prussia? Of course not. As the Junker nobles repeatedly pressured William I and Bismarck to demand more land from France, Bismarck finally spoke to Thiers again. "Due to a miscalculation of our losses in the war, I wish to renegotiate the compensation terms with your government and sign a new treaty. This matter concerns the interests of tens of millions in Prussia and Germany; please consider it carefully. Of course, I will guarantee your government's safety and ensure the Paris uprising does not affect Versailles."

Bismarck's meaning was simple. Either agree to more indemnities and cede more land, and the Prussian army would ensure the French government's safety in Versailles. Otherwise, Prussia might hand the French government over to the Paris insurgents. In that case, the fate of the French officials was easy to imagine. The last Paris uprising had directly executed the king—were these officials more noble than the king? Under Bismarck's threats and intimidation, even if Thiers was unwilling to renegotiate the compensation terms, he had no choice but to nod in agreement. After all, those rioting Paris Citizens would really string them up on lampposts; the Paris Citizens were far more terrifying than the Prussian army.

Perhaps the Paris Citizens never imagined that their uprising would make the government even more cowardly, even willing to cede more land in exchange for Prussian protection. But even if they knew, they would likely only resist more fiercely. Because such a cowardly government could not lead France forward; France should establish a fairer democratic republic.

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