Rhine City.
If Iringa City could think of market demand, then other East African cities could think of it too—especially those, like Iringa City, whose advantages were not particularly obvious.
The explorations of these cities and regions into economic development would also be gathered in reports and sent to Rhine City, East Africa's political center, providing the East African Central Government with more experience and data so it could adjust the national economy at any time.
Ernst said, "In recent years, Maputo City, Iringa City, and others have actively pushed forward transformations in industrial development strategies suited to the times. This holds great reference value for our small and medium-sized cities and non-resource-based cities. That is why breaking conventional thinking is so important to urban development. We must actively adopt suggestions beneficial to economic development and make corresponding arrangements."
The formulation of Iringa City's development strategy also reflected, to a certain extent, the flexibility of East African economic development.
Although East Africa was a planned-economy nation, it did not plan everything wholesale. This was especially evident in agriculture. Though East Africa had begun devoting itself fully to heavy industry after the 1890s, that did not mean it neglected agriculture and light industry.
By the end of the First Five-Year Plan, agriculture was still one of East Africa's main sources of national income. Before the 1890s, developing agriculture had been East Africa's basic national policy—the true foundation upon which the nation stood.
After all, simply to acquire a larger population, agriculture had to provide the basic guarantee. Thus, East Africa's grain output climbed year after year, while its population reached a staggering more than eighty million at the beginning of the century.
As of 1905, agriculture still accounted for more than 60 percent of East Africa's total output value. Industrialization remained