After all, the Russian Labor Party regime's leaders were extremely capable, especially when it came to the bigger picture. For the safety of the newborn regime, he could offer terms tempting enough to move the Central Powers.
Though the former Russian government saw this as an act of "selling out the country," from a realistic perspective, the current Russian leadership was not plotting change in Russia alone, but a transformation that would sweep across the entire world.
This went back to the early ideas of the World Labor Party and its attitude toward nations. The Labor Party primarily defined hostile relationships by class, while the state was a tool of class rule. Therefore, the Russian Labor Party's ultimate ideal was to eliminate the organizational form known as the "state."
Thus, at this stage, the Russian Labor Party was not merely "Russian," but an international party that viewed matters through the lens of the world order.
From this perspective, when the Russian Labor Party in Ernst's previous life ceded vast territories in exchange for withdrawing from the First World War, they had borne no psychological burden whatsoever. What they wanted was to preserve the "spark" that could seize transformation across the entire world and avoid Paris's earlier mistakes.
Of course, this was currently the mainstream understanding within the Russian Labor Party, colored by idealism. There were certainly people among them who still clung to narrow-minded ideas such as "nationalism" and "statism."
Conversely, it was not the latter that a feudal monarch like Ernst feared. After all, East Africa was essentially that kind of nation as well. The big-government policies and extreme "Rhineland" nationalism promoted by East Africa were both of this type.
In short, Ernst believed that the Central Powers would inevitably negotiate peace with the Russian Labor Party. If that