The trip to London had gone even more smoothly than Ferdinand had expected. He had not only discovered a gold mine, but also strengthened his ties with the British Royal Family, which would benefit him greatly in the years to come!
Edward, who was facing a financial crisis, was far more interested in the gold mine than Ferdinand. The two set up a mining company as quickly as they could.
Excited, Edward even planned to travel to Australia himself, but Ferdinand hurriedly stopped him. Australia in the nineteenth century was no place for a gentleman: remote and desolate, it was practically wilderness. Ferdinand valued his life far too much to take that risk.
It was not until the following June, when the first shipment of Australian gold reached London, that Ferdinand finally let out the breath he had been holding.
The first shipment was small, a mere eight hundred kilograms, worth little more than a hundred thousand pounds. Yet Ferdinand and Edward were thrilled.
A pile of gold had far more impact than a bank cheque. Even Victoria attended their celebration banquet. In the gold-standard nineteenth century, gold mattered far more than it would in later generations.
With the mining company up and running, Ferdinand set off for Vienna. Barring any surprises, it would bring him hundreds of thousands of pounds in annual revenue.
Unlike the journey out, Ferdinand went overland after landing in France on his return trip, sightseeing and visiting famous landmarks along the way.
In France, he left his mark on Paris: the Arc de Triomphe, the Louvre Museum, Notre-Dame de Paris, and the Panthéon.
In Germany, Ferdinand was seen at the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin, Neuschwanstein Castle, Lake Constance, Cologne Cathedral, and the source of the Danube River.
It was not until the end of 1885 that Ferdinand finally returned to Vienna.
The journey had taught Ferdinand a great deal. He had seen the three most powerful countries of the age—Britain, France, and Germany—and gained a clear understanding of everything from their cultures and geography to their industrial development.
All three countries were flourishing, but Ferdinand could clearly sense that France was falling behind. Vast amounts of capital were pouring into the financial markets, while investment in industry had declined sharply.
Germany was the opposite. Perhaps influenced by the region's traditions, its capitalists had little interest in abstract finance and devoted themselves wholeheartedly to industry, investing far more heavily in it.
After traveling around Austria-Hungary, Ferdinand found that the decaying empire was still running smoothly. There was no sign that it was on the verge of collapse.
Its economy was developing rapidly. Though it could not match Britain, France, or Germany, its potential was nearly as great.
Domestic tensions were also being kept to a minimum. Even the ever-restless Hungary was only fighting for greater rights; it had yet to show any inclination toward independence.
Looking at the British Empire then, no one could have imagined that in a mere few decades it would decline into a second-rate power.
Of course, none of that concerned Ferdinand. He was focused on the coup brewing in Bulgaria. The Russian Government was growing increasingly dissatisfied with Alexander of Battenberg's anti-Russian leanings, and a coup was taking shape.
Battenberg had always been a reactionary who hated Russia. At first, to avoid provoking Russian displeasure, he had cleverly concealed his anti-Russian feelings.
But he never hid his reactionary views. From the beginning, he had openly sided with the Conservative Party. Even though he knew the Liberal Party dominated parliament, he still formed a Conservative government.
Once in power, the Conservatives openly trampled on the constitution. The Liberals used the press and organized demonstrations, and the two parties clashed fiercely.
For the next several years, the Grand Duke's Conservatives and the Liberals wrestled for power, while Russian interference threw the country into chaos.
In 1886, the political crisis intensified. The Russians planned to depose Battenberg and replace him with a pro-Russian candidate. But Britain, Austria-Hungary, and the other Western powers wanted to weaken Russia's influence in the Balkans, so they chose to support Battenberg.
Bulgaria's fledgling bourgeoisie also split into pro-Russian and anti-Russian factions, and neither side would yield.
The pro-Russian faction appealed to Russia for help. On August 21, 1886, Bulgarian officers backed by Russia deposed Grand Duke Alexander.
The move provoked outrage throughout Bulgaria. Some military and political figures launched a countercoup and urged Grand Duke Alexander to return to the throne.
The Tsarist Government opposed them and threatened to occupy Bulgaria. On September 7, Grand Duke Alexander was forced to abdicate and flee the country.
A fierce political crisis erupted, and the Great Powers began another struggle over who should become Bulgaria's next grand duke.
Russia's position was that a National Assembly should be convened to elect a Bulgarian grand duke, but only once power was in the hands of the pro-Russian faction. However, Russia's heavy-handed tactics only inflamed Bulgarian resentment.
Defying the Russians, Stambolov forcibly convened the National Assembly, which elected Prince Valdemar of Denmark as Bulgaria's grand duke. But under pressure from the tsar, Prince Valdemar refused to take the throne.
The conflict continued to escalate, and Russia temporarily severed diplomatic relations with Bulgaria. With the two factions at home unable to reach a compromise, the pro-Russian faction launched an uprising in February 1887. It was quickly suppressed, and its leaders were sentenced to death.
To end the crisis, the Bulgarian Government, with Austria-Hungary's support, convened a National Assembly without Russia's consent and elected a Bulgarian grand duke.
To secure greater support, Austria-Hungary nominated Ferdinand. On June 25, 1887, the Bulgarian National Assembly elected him as the next grand duke.
The Russian Government protested and demanded that the Turkish Government reject Ferdinand's accession under the Treaty of Berlin. But under pressure from the Western powers, Turkey refused Russia's demand and backed Ferdinand's succession.
For now, the coup in Bulgaria was still brewing, and Ferdinand did not interfere, afraid of triggering a butterfly effect.
After all, when Bulgaria had searched for a grand duke in real history, it had scoured all of Europe, with a whole host of candidates to choose from.
Though it had eventually chosen him, that was simply to secure the support of the Western powers. It did not mean there was no one else who could take his place.
As Ferdinand waited anxiously, he strengthened his intelligence network. Judging by history, his early days in Bulgaria would not be easy. The Liberals held all the power.
Day after day passed. In the summer of 1886, the coup began as expected. Battenberg was forced to abdicate and then driven out of the country.
The ensuing struggle over Bulgaria left Ferdinand dumbfounded. Russia had started out in a strong position, but a series of blunders gradually cost it the advantage.
In 1887, the Bulgarian crisis worsened. With Ferdinand's consent, Stambolov forcibly convened the National Assembly in February and formally elected Ferdinand as Prince of Bulgaria.
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