Bulgarian Coup

The trip to London went even more smoothly than Ferdinand had anticipated. Not only did he secure a gold mine, but he also deepened his relationship with the British Royal Family, which would prove immensely beneficial for his future development.

Edward, facing a financial crisis, was far more interested in the gold mine than Ferdinand, and the two moved with the utmost speed to establish a mining company.

An excited Edward even planned to travel to Australia in person, which terrified Ferdinand into immediately dissuading him. In the 19th century, Australia was hardly a pleasant destination; it was a remote, desolate place that could easily be described as a wilderness, and Ferdinand cherished his own life far too much to risk it.

It was not until June of the following year, when the first shipment of gold from Australia arrived in London, that Ferdinand finally set his mind at ease.

The quantity of the first shipment was modest—a mere eight hundred kilograms worth about a hundred thousand pounds—yet both Ferdinand and Edward were ecstatic.

The sheer impact of a pile of gold was far more powerful than any check. Even Victoria attended their victory banquet; in the 19th century, under the gold standard, the importance of gold far exceeded what it would be in later generations.

With the mining company on the right track, Ferdinand set off to return to Vienna, expecting it to generate hundreds of thousands of pounds in annual revenue for him.

Unlike his arrival, Ferdinand traveled by land after disembarking in France on his return journey, spending his time sightseeing and visiting famous historical landmarks along the way.

In France, he left his footprints at the Arc de Triomphe, the Louvre Museum, Notre-Dame de Paris, and the Panthéon.

In Germany, Ferdinand's presence was felt at the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin, Neuschwanstein Castle, Lake Constance, Cologne Cathedral, and the source of the Danube River.

It was not until the end of 1885 that Ferdinand finally returned to Vienna.

Throughout this journey, Ferdinand gained a great deal, acquiring a clear understanding of the three most powerful nations of the era—the United Kingdom, France, and Germany—ranging from their human geography to their industrial development.

While all three nations were currently thriving, Ferdinand clearly sensed that France was falling behind; a vast amount of capital was being funneled into the financial markets, while investment in real industry had significantly dwindled.

Germany was the exact opposite. Perhaps influenced by the traditions of the German regions, capitalists there showed little interest in virtual finance and poured their efforts into real industry, with a much greater intensity of industrial investment.

Touring the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Ferdinand discovered that this decaying empire was still functioning quite healthily, with no visible signs of collapse.

Economic development was rapid, and while it could not compare to the United Kingdom, France, or Germany, its potential for growth was not far behind.

Domestic conflicts were currently suppressed to a minimum, and even Hungary, the most troublesome region, was merely vying for political power without any clear inclination toward independence.

Looking at the British Empire now, no one would have guessed that in just a few decades, it would decline into a second-rate power.

Of course, that was none of Ferdinand's concern; he was currently focused on the coup in Bulgaria. The Russian government had become increasingly dissatisfied with the anti-Russian tendencies of Alexander of Battenberg, and a coup was brewing.

Battenberg had always been an extreme reactionary who harbored deep hostility toward Russia. Initially, to avoid provoking Russian dissatisfaction, he had cleverly hidden his anti-Russian sentiments.

However, he never masked his reactionary ideology; from the very beginning, he openly stood with the Conservative Party, and even knowing that the Liberal Party held a dominant position in parliament, he still organized a Conservative government.

Upon taking office, the Conservative Party openly trampled on the constitution from the start, leading the Liberals to organize protests through public opinion, resulting in a fierce struggle between the two parties.

The following years were a constant tug-of-war between the Conservative Party and the Liberal Party, and with the interference of the Russians, the country was thrown into chaos.

In 1886, the political crisis intensified, and the Russians planned to depose Battenberg and replace him with a pro-Russian figure. However, the United Kingdom, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and other Western powers chose to support Battenberg to weaken Russian influence in the Balkans.

The nascent Bulgarian bourgeoisie was also divided into pro-Russian and anti-Russian factions, with both sides locked in an impasse.

The pro-Russian faction sought help from Russia, and on August 21, 1886, a group of Bulgarian officers supported by Russia deposed Prince Alexander.

This move caused nationwide dissatisfaction in Bulgaria, and some military and political figures launched a counter-coup, urging Prince Alexander to return to the throne.

The Tsarist government opposed this, threatening to occupy Bulgaria. On September 7, Prince Alexander was forced to abdicate and leave the country.

A sharp political crisis erupted, and the great powers began another fierce struggle over the candidate for the Bulgarian throne.

Russia's position was that as long as the government remained in the hands of the pro-Russian faction, a national assembly should be convened to elect a Bulgarian prince. However, the heavy-handed tactics of the Russians sparked further dissatisfaction among the Bulgarians.

Stambolov, ignoring Russian opposition, forcibly convened the National Assembly and elected Prince Valdemar of Denmark as the Bulgarian prince, but under pressure from the Tsar, Prince Valdemar refused to take the throne.

The conflict continued to escalate, and Russia eventually severed diplomatic relations with Bulgaria. Because the two domestic factions could not reach a compromise, the pro-Russian faction launched an uprising in February 1887, but it was quickly suppressed, and its leaders were sentenced to death.

To end the crisis, the Bulgarian government, with the support of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, convened a National Assembly and elected a Bulgarian prince without Russian consent.

To gain more support, the Austro-Hungarian Empire nominated Ferdinand, and on June 25, 1887, the Bulgarian National Assembly elected Ferdinand as the successor prince.

The Russian government protested this, demanding that the Turkish government refuse Ferdinand's appointment in accordance with the Treaty of Berlin. However, under pressure from the Western powers, Turkey rejected Russia's demand and supported Ferdinand's succession.

At the moment, the coup in Bulgaria was still brewing, and Ferdinand did not interfere, fearing he might trigger a butterfly effect.

After all, historically, Bulgaria had scoured Europe in search of a prince, and there had been a multitude of candidates.

Although they eventually chose him, it was merely to secure the support of the Western powers, which did not mean there were no others who could have replaced him.

Ferdinand waited anxiously while strengthening his intelligence operations. Judging from history, his early days in Bulgaria would not be easy, as power was firmly in the hands of the Liberals.

As the days passed, the coup began as scheduled in the summer of 1886; Battenberg was forced to abdicate and was subsequently expelled from the country.

The ensuing struggle over Bulgaria left Ferdinand stunned; Russia, which had initially held the advantage, gradually lost its edge through a series of misguided actions.

In 1887, the Bulgarian crisis intensified, and with Ferdinand's consent, Stambolov forcibly convened the National Assembly in February and officially elected Ferdinand as the Prince of Bulgaria.