Five-Year Plan

Contrary to Ferdinand's expectations, the Stambolov cabinet was far easier to deal with than he had imagined. He had originally prepared for his "Draft Five-Year Plan" to be rejected, forcing the cabinet to draft a new one from scratch.

He had not expected these Liberals to be so politically naive, handing over the initiative on a silver platter.

Once this plan passed the National Assembly, the one in control would be Ferdinand. It would follow logically that he could seize a portion of power from the Liberal Party.

If it succeeded, Ferdinand's position would be solidified. If it failed, he could simply let the cabinet take the blame; with a little guidance to cast doubt on their governing competence, he could walk away unscathed.

The methods were a bit underhanded, but they were effective. After several years of aristocratic life, the former nobody had transformed into a politician, even if his techniques were still somewhat raw.

After more than half a month of busyness, the Stambolov cabinet finally perfected the Five-Year Plan. To balance the interests of all parties, the clauses grew more numerous, touching upon every aspect of Bulgaria.

By the time it reached Ferdinand's hands, there were over three hundred clauses, both large and small. Frankly, the plan was quite good, but its biggest problem was that it was far too radical.

In Ferdinand's view, this was pure idealism. While theoretically possible to complete, the government would have far too much to do!

This was a common ailment of idealists—always wanting to finish everything at once. Ferdinand raised no objections; if this plan were truly completed, Bulgaria would become the hegemon of the Balkans.

It was better not to pour cold water on it for now. Judging by the shift in Stambolov's attitude, his schemes had likely already been seen through. However, compelled by the necessity of Bulgaria's development, Stambolov could not openly oppose it.

January 5, 1888, was later dubbed "Bulgarian Revival Day" by historians. The Stambolov cabinet submitted the world-shaking "Five-Year Plan" to the National Assembly, laying the foundation for Bulgaria's rise.

The National Assembly, dominated by the Liberal Party, passed the resolution without incident. Ferdinand signed it on the spot, declaring the act effective, and thus Bulgaria's grand "Five-Year Plan" was set in motion.

The sheer number of clauses, however, conveniently facilitated Ferdinand's power grab. With his integrity cast to the winds, Ferdinand immediately convened a cabinet meeting.

Looking at the excited cabinet members, Ferdinand asked with a beaming smile, "Prime Minister, now that the plan has been formulated, where do you intend to start?"

Stambolov was stunned. They had been so focused on drafting the plan that they hadn't considered how to implement it.

One had to remember that Ferdinand had only proposed five items, which would have been achievable with some effort! Now, with these three hundred-plus supplementary clauses, how were they to be completed? How many men were needed? Where should they begin?

It was all a mess of problems! But as Prime Minister, he couldn't play dumb and admit they hadn't thought it through. Everyone was watching; if he couldn't offer a viable suggestion, it would be a devastating blow to his prestige.

Stambolov knew he was in deep trouble. He was not without rivals, and if he couldn't demonstrate competence, even these cabinet members might start eyeing the Prime Minister's seat.

After a moment of silence, Stambolov bit the bullet and said, "Your Highness, please believe that our cabinet will certainly produce a satisfactory strategy!"

"Is that so? I certainly trust the cabinet's ability. However, this is a critical moment for Bulgaria's development, and the nation is watching us. I hope you can produce a feasible plan within three days!" Ferdinand said, feigning anticipation.

Stambolov knew he had been played. He didn't even know how he had left the palace, returning home in a daze.

Today's events had already caused dissatisfaction. Like most Liberals, they were high-minded but low-skilled—a common affliction of revolutionaries the world over!

He summoned his aides for a discussion, and they unanimously agreed that he had been set up by the Prince. But since the plan had been completed by Stambolov and his cabinet members—with Ferdinand only contributing a mere five items—no one would believe them if they tried to shift the blame!

"So what should we do now? I must take action on this, otherwise, I cannot answer for it," Stambolov said, his head aching.

"Prime Minister, this plan has already passed, and the opposition is singing our praises! Giving up is impossible. We must complete at least the majority of it to be accountable," said Kobelev, Stambolov's most trusted aide.

"Hmm, you are right. This is no longer just my affair. If we cannot produce results, no one in the cabinet will escape, and the Liberal Party will not be able to wash its hands of it!" Stambolov grasped Kobelev's meaning: drag everyone down with him. If they succeeded, everyone would be happy; if they failed, no one would escape the fallout.

Ignoring the cabinet's internal thoughts, Ferdinand knew this matter was as difficult or as easy as one made it. It was merely a proposal; regardless of whether it existed, completing every task was impossible. As long as the main five items were finished, Ferdinand would be satisfied!

If the cabinet could manage a burst of energy and complete it all, he would be even happier; the credit would be his regardless.

Three days passed, and as Ferdinand expected, the Stambolov cabinet did indeed produce a plan, though it was riddled with loopholes in Ferdinand's eyes.

Ferdinand nodded with satisfaction and said, "Excellent! But with so much to do, can you handle it all? Why not delegate? Let each department take responsibility for a portion, while the cabinet handles organization and coordination. Wouldn't that be better?"

Seeing the eyes of those present light up, Stambolov's expression darkened. This was the final blow, and the worst part was that it was impossible to refute.

Indeed, Ferdinand's ultimate goal was to decentralize power. Once power was delegated, it would be troublesome to take it back.

Strengthening the ministries while weakening the cabinet primarily targeted Prime Minister Stambolov, as his cabinet members mostly held concurrent positions as ministers, meaning they lost no power themselves.

Ferdinand could not tolerate the existence of a powerful minister. If Stambolov had been a true genius, he might have endured it, but history had already told him that Stambolov lacked the capabilities of an Iron Chancellor.

The Bulgarian cabinet now consisted of five people: Prime Minister Stambolov, Minister of Economy Michael, Minister of Industry Wilson, Minister of Defense Sowell, and Minister of the Interior Jonas.

The cabinet already had enough on its plate; it was impossible for them to manage hundreds of projects. Decentralization was the most effective method.

Stambolov exchanged glances with the others and realized the four of them had already agreed; he could no longer refuse.

However, Stambolov still had to save face, saying, "Your Highness is right. Dividing the tasks is necessary. We should also have a division of labor, with each of us responsible for a portion."

After speaking, Stambolov's face sank. After today, the cabinet would no longer be his alone, and the status of the others would gradually rise to match his own.