"Useless trash!" Ferdinand remarked of the opposition parties.
Under the government's perverse rule, the opposition failed to organize the masses to overthrow the regime, instead wasting their limited strength on violent assassinations. Fighting violence with violence only served to incite public resentment.
In 1888, the people of Sofia largely sympathized with the opposition and were dissatisfied with the government. By 1889, however, the public sentiment had leveled out into a uniform state: disgust.
An enraged Stambolov cabinet declared martial law across the nation once more. The secret police were expanded again and dispatched to every corner of the country.
With grudges to settle and scores to pay, the rapidly expanding secret police became a mixed bag of the good and the bad. They abused their power, engaged in retaliation, and preyed upon the common people, causing public grievances to boil over.
"What do we do now? Stambolov's lackeys have gone mad, arresting people everywhere. If this continues, we will be exposed sooner or later!" said Petko Karavelov, one of the leaders of the Russophile faction.
"Why not launch a coup?" suggested Major Panitsa, a supporter of the Conservative Party within the military.
"Impossible. Although the government is perverse, the Liberals still control the army. Our strength is too weak," countered Vibel, a democrat.
"Very well, we have no other choice now. Stambolov wants our heads, so we must fight to the death! May God protect us!" Petko Karavelov made the final decision.
"Perhaps the situation isn't that dire?" Major Panitsa asked.
Seeing the horrified looks of the others, he sneered, "Do not forget, there is still a Royal Guard in Sofia! Our Grand Duke Ferdinand has been expanding it since his accession; it now numbers over three thousand men!"
Wibert said coldly, "True, but so what? Our Grand Duke seems to have no interest in politics; otherwise, why would he allow the cabinet to act so recklessly?"
"The most critical question is, why would he support us? Don't forget that many of us were his opponents!"
Major Panitsa said with confidence, "That is not necessarily true. The cabinet has already fallen out with the Grand Duke over the imposition of agricultural taxes! Can it be that our Grand Duke truly holds no grudge?"
"And gentlemen, we previously opposed Ferdinand's accession to the throne, so we were naturally enemies. But now that it is a settled fact, we cannot drive him from power, nor is there any need to oppose his reign."
"The fundamental conflict between the two sides no longer exists. Does Grand Duke Ferdinand not want to hold real power? Then why did he expand the Royal Guard? Surely no one in Bulgaria would be crazy enough to attack the palace?"
"Major Panitsa, you speak well! But if we let Ferdinand take power, wouldn't we have worked in vain? I don't believe that once he disposes of the Liberals, he will let us hold the reins!" Wibert retorted.
Milner-Velov of the People's Party smiled and said, "No, that will no longer be up to our Grand Duke! Gentlemen, do not forget that in Bulgaria today, aside from the Liberals, it is only us. No other political force has yet gained any climate!"
"It is easy for you in the People's Party to say that. We in the Conservative Party are the main force that opposed Ferdinand; it would be strange if we weren't suppressed!" Wibert said with a sarcastic tone.
The conspiracies of the opposition were no secret to Ferdinand. Their internal disputes were quickly relayed to him by his moles.
"Idiots!" Ferdinand sneered.
Even at a time like this, they were still squabbling over power and profit—a complete rabble.
Even if they were to divide the spoils, it should be done after overthrowing the government. If they failed, everyone would be finished; yet they were already fighting for dominance now. What would happen later?
If it weren't for the fact that he needed them to distract the government, and had sent men to help clean up their messes, the opposition would have been wiped out long ago. A bunch of rabble, yet they still dared to scheme against him.
"The enemy of an enemy is not necessarily a friend; they are very likely still an enemy." This sentence perfectly described the current situation in Bulgaria.
The government formed by the Liberals, and the opposition formed by the Conservatives and democrats, were both targets Ferdinand intended to clear away.
"The innocent are punished for the treasure they hold!"
Ferdinand had refrained from acting because he intended to borrow a knife to kill. He wanted the Conservatives to provoke the Stambolov cabinet and force the cabinet to go on a killing spree.
The reason lay in the massive assets seized by the government. The Stambolov cabinet intended to use this money to complete their Five-Year Plan, which coincided perfectly with Ferdinand's own goals.
If he were to step in now to set things right, this massive sum of seized money would have to be returned. How then would he fund the Five-Year Plan?
Ferdinand was no saint; he had no intention of paying for it himself. The only way was to swallow this windfall! Only by ensuring the owners of these assets were dead could he legally confiscate the wealth.
This would also clear away most of the obstacles to Ferdinand's reforms. One must realize that among those arrested, in addition to Conservatives, democrats, Russophiles, and radical nationalists, there were a large number of feudal landlords and agricultural capitalists.
Throughout history, every reform has required bloodshed. The vested interests would certainly not let go willingly; a storm of blood was inevitable. It was best to let the Stambolov cabinet take the blame.
In 1888, Ferdinand benefited immensely from the Stambolov cabinet's great purge, and his assets expanded rapidly.
Ferdinand himself had integrity; he did not act recklessly and strictly adhered to aristocratic conduct, never bullying the weak.
However, his lackeys were different. Franz colluded with the intelligence chief Hoover to frame and suppress competitors, and they did not shy away from fueling the flames. Many capitalists had their assets confiscated and were thrown into prison under murky circumstances.
Then, they purchased large quantities of high-quality assets from the government at low prices. Of course, many others did the same, but none were as clean and efficient, leaving no hidden dangers behind.
The mass imprisonment of capitalists caused no major market turmoil, and Ferdinand's industries played a significant role in that stability.
"Your Highness, we have basically monopolized food processing in Bulgaria. Only a few small family workshops remain, and they are no longer a concern!" Welian reported to Ferdinand with excitement.
Ferdinand listened to Welian's report, nodded with satisfaction, and said, "Good! But be careful; do not let anyone discover that the market has been monopolized by us!"
Welian said confidently, "Rest assured, Your Highness! We are still using the old method: factories in different regions produce different brands. Furthermore, on the surface, we occasionally manufacture some friction between them, so no one will be suspicious!"
"Excellent! You must also keep an eye on the international market for any signs of change. Focus on technological innovation to increase our competitiveness!" Ferdinand instructed again.
The largest export industry in Bulgaria at present was agricultural products. It was also the industry with the greatest potential for development at this stage.
Ferdinand could not afford to ignore it. Historically, agricultural exports had always been Bulgaria's largest source of foreign exchange.
In 1911 alone, Bulgaria's agricultural export value reached 129.4 million Lev.
At that time, Bulgaria's total export value was only 184.6 million Lev, with agricultural products accounting for 70%.
Since Bulgaria's industry had not yet developed, the proportion of agricultural exports was even higher, accounting for 90% of total exports.
In 1888, Bulgaria's total annual agricultural export value was only a little over 40 million Lev, leaving massive room for growth.
These were only primary products. If the agricultural products were processed before being sent to the international market, this figure could continue to rise.
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