Conspiracy

"Hopeless fools!" Ferdinand said of the opposition.

Under the government's oppressive rule, the opposition had not organized the people to overthrow it. Instead, they had wasted their limited strength on violent assassinations. Fighting violence with violence could only stir up public resentment.

In 1888, most people in Sofia had sympathized with the opposition and expressed dissatisfaction with the government. But by 1889, the two sides stood on equal footing with the public—both were resented.

The infuriated Stam Cabinet once again declared martial law throughout the country. The secret police were expanded again and dispatched to every region.

The rapidly expanding secret police became a mixed bag. They abused their authority, settled personal scores, and preyed on the people, stirring up widespread resentment.

"What do we do now? Stam's lackeys have gone mad. They're arresting people everywhere. If this goes on, we'll be exposed sooner or later!" said Petko Karavelov, one of the pro-Russian faction's leaders.

"Why don't we launch a coup?" Major Panitsa, a military supporter of the Conservative Party, suggested.

"No. The government may be tyrannical, but the Liberals still control the army. Our people are too weak!" Vibel, a democrat, objected.

"Enough. We have no other choice now. Stam-Bolov wants us dead, so we can only fight to the death! May God protect us!" Petko Karavelov made the final decision.

"Maybe things aren't that bad?" Major Panitsa said.

Seeing the others stare at him in alarm, he sneered. "Don't forget, Sofia still has a royal guard! Since taking the throne, our Grand Duke Ferdinand has been expanding it continuously. It now numbers more than three thousand!"

Wibert said coldly, "True, but so what? Our Grand Duke doesn't seem interested in politics. Otherwise, why would he let the Cabinet run amok?"

"The key question is, why would he support us? Don't forget, quite a few of us opposed him!"

Major Panitsa said confidently, "Not necessarily. The Cabinet has fallen out with the Grand Duke over raising agricultural taxes! Do you really think our Grand Duke doesn't hold a grudge?"

"And, gentlemen, we opposed Ferdinand's succession because we didn't want him to become Grand Duke. That made us enemies. But now his succession is a fait accompli. We can't force him from the throne, and there's no reason to oppose his rule anymore!"

"Our fundamental conflict has already disappeared. Doesn't Grand Duke Ferdinand want real power? Why else would he expand the royal guard? It's not as if anyone in Bulgaria is going to storm the palace!"

"Major Panitsa, you're right. But if Ferdinand takes power, won't all our efforts have been for nothing? I don't believe that once he gets rid of the Liberals, he'll let us take charge!" Wibert retorted.

Milner Velov of the People's Party smiled. "No, our Grand Duke won't have a choice! Gentlemen, don't forget that in Bulgaria, apart from the Liberals, only our people have any real strength. The other political forces are still insignificant!"

"You People's Party members may not care, but our Conservative Party is the main force opposing Ferdinand. Of course we'll be suppressed!" Wibert said sarcastically.

The opposition's conspiracy was no secret to Ferdinand. Their internal disagreements were quickly passed on to him by his informants.

"Idiots!" Ferdinand sneered.

At a time like this, they were still fighting over power. They were nothing but a rabble.

Even if they wanted to divide up the spoils, they should wait until after they overthrew the government. If they failed, they'd all be done for. And if they were already squabbling over who would take charge, what would happen later?

If Ferdinand hadn't needed them to distract the government, and sent people to help them cover their tracks, the opposition would have been wiped out long ago. A rabble of fools, and they still thought they could scheme against him.

"The enemy of my enemy is not necessarily my friend. He may well still be my enemy." That saying summed up Bulgaria's situation perfectly.

The government, formed by the Liberals, and the opposition, made up of Conservatives and democrats, were both targets Ferdinand intended to eliminate.

"A man may be innocent, yet perish for possessing a treasure."

Ferdinand had held back because he planned to use one blade to kill another. He wanted the Conservatives to provoke the Stam Cabinet into a bloody crackdown.

The reason was the enormous wealth the government had confiscated. The Stam Cabinet planned to use it to carry out the Five-Year Plan, which suited Ferdinand's own intentions perfectly.

If he stepped in now to set things right, the confiscated money would have to be returned. Where would the funding for the Five-Year Plan come from after that?

Ferdinand was no saint. He had no intention of paying for it himself, so he could only swallow this unexpected windfall. Only if the owners of the property were all dead could he legally confiscate the fortune.

He could also clear away most of the obstacles to his reforms. Among those arrested were not only Conservatives, democrats, and pro-Russian supporters, but also a large number of feudal landlords and agricultural capitalists.

Throughout history, every reform had been paid for in blood. Those with vested interests would never willingly let go, and bloodshed was inevitable. It was best to let the Stam Cabinet take the blame for it.

Ferdinand had reaped enormous benefits from the Stam Cabinet's great purge in 1888, and his assets had grown dramatically.

Ferdinand himself had principles. He had not acted recklessly, and had strictly adhered to the conduct expected of a nobleman. He did not bully the weak.

But his underlings had no such scruples. Franz had colluded with the intelligence chief, Hoover, to frame rivals and fan the flames for their own advantage. They had seized the assets of countless capitalists and sent them to prison in a bewildering tangle.

Then they had bought up a large number of high-quality assets from the government at low prices. Plenty of others had done the same, though none as swiftly and cleanly as they had, without leaving loose ends.

The mass arrests of capitalists had caused no major disturbance in the markets, and Ferdinand's enterprises had played no small part in that.

"Your Highness, we've now more or less monopolized Bulgaria's food-processing industry. Only a few small family workshops remain, and they're no cause for concern!" Welian reported excitedly.

Ferdinand listened to Welian's report and nodded with satisfaction. "Good. But be careful. Don't let anyone discover that we've monopolized the market."

Welian replied confidently, "Don't worry, Your Highness. We've used our old method. The factories in each region produce different brands. And in public, we occasionally stage a few disputes ourselves, so no one will suspect anything!"

"Good. Keep a close eye on the international market as well. Watch for any changes, and keep improving our technology to make us more competitive!" Ferdinand reminded him.

Bulgaria's largest export industry at present was agricultural products. It was also the industry with the greatest potential for growth at this stage.

Ferdinand could not afford to overlook it. Historically, agricultural exports had always been Bulgaria's largest source of foreign exchange.

In 1911 alone, Bulgaria's agricultural exports had reached 129.4 million leva.

Yet Bulgaria's total exports that year amounted to only 184.6 million leva, with agricultural goods making up 70 percent.

Bulgaria's industry had yet to develop, so agricultural products accounted for an even greater share of its exports—nine-tenths of the total.

In 1888, Bulgaria's agricultural exports for the entire year had amounted to just over 40 million leva, leaving enormous room for growth.

And that was only for raw products. If they processed the agricultural goods before putting them on the international market, the figure could rise even further.