The Jacobins of the Royalist Party

"I am also honored to meet our young scientist. Because, as you know, all fame and great achievements are but passing clouds; time will wash them away completely. Even Alexander the Great and Caesar left behind only empty names. Only scholarship is truly immortal. Just like Greece and Rome, the most precious treasures they left us are not their great conquests, but their scholarship and laws. You have the talent to study things that are truly eternal, and that is what is truly respectable and enviable," Lafayette replied with a smile.

"Just as the immortality of Rome lies in their laws. Marquis, are you not currently participating in the same kind of immortality, the same great cause that will shine through the ages?" Joseph also replied with a smile.

"You have a point. What are your thoughts on the constitution?" Marquis Lafayette asked.

"I don't know much about politics," Joseph replied, "but I think, just as ancient Greek geometry is built upon nine intuitive, unquestionable postulates and axioms, our constitution should also be built upon such self-evident axioms. Marquis, you once led the American War of Independence. The logic within the Declaration of Independence of the United States of America is actually quite interesting."

"Go on," Robespierre said.

"The Declaration of Independence states: 'We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.' These two sentences are the axioms of the entire Declaration of Independence, and almost all the logical deductions that follow in the North American Declaration of Independence are built upon these. If we want to draft a constitution that can truly be eternal, we must also find its axiomatic foundation. I personally feel that these two sentences from the North American Declaration of Independence can serve as the axiomatic foundation for our constitution as well. Therefore, when we draft the constitution, we should first define the rights our constitution must protect, and then develop it around how to protect these rights. Anything that conflicts with this goal can be considered unconstitutional, and therefore illegal and void."

"A very interesting point of view," the Duke of Orleans interjected, "but Joseph, I just heard you say 'ancient Greek geometry is built upon nine intuitive, unquestionable postulates and axioms,' but shouldn't it be ten axioms and postulates? How is it that you also think the fifth postulate should be kicked out of the ranks of postulates?"

"Who wouldn't want to?" Joseph laughed. "Ever since ancient Greece, there hasn't been a mathematician who didn't hope to prove the fifth postulate, kick it out of the ranks of postulates, and turn it into a theorem. If I could really solve such a difficult problem, I would truly become famous—perhaps even as famous as Monsieur Lavoisier."

The "Monsieur Lavoisier" Joseph mentioned here, of course, referred to the great chemist Lavoisier. But because of this surname, some people were reminded of more.

"Monsieur Lavoisier?" Robespierre said. "Hmm, Monsieur Lavoisier's achievements in academia are admirable; one could say he is the light of French science. It is said his nephew is also very talented, though his talent is in the arts. He has recently become famous for a play, and some feel he might be another Corneille."

"The Spartacus he wrote is indeed a good tragedy, but it is too radical. Especially that Slave War Song, which completely denies all existing order." Lafayette did not seem very fond of the play; he frowned and continued, "The existing order indeed has many problems that need to be changed, but this change should be a gentle reform, not a war like a mountain flood."

"None of us want such a mountain flood," Robespierre also said, "it is just that our Majesty is truly a bit stubborn. Regarding this issue, I have actually talked with the younger Monsieur Lavoisier, and he also admits that reforming the existing order and establishing a British-style country is better than establishing a North American-style one; the Glorious Revolution (in 1688, the non-violent coup launched by the British bourgeoisie and new nobility to overthrow the rule of James II and prevent the restoration of Catholicism. This revolution did not involve bloodshed, so historians call it the 'Glorious Revolution') is better than war. But he also said that in France, achieving such change is not easy. So sometimes one must speak a bit excessively to have any impact. It is like saying to our King: 'Your room is too dark, you must open another window.' But he refuses to agree. So you say to him: 'Your room is too dark, I am going to tear off the roof.' Then, the King might be willing to discuss with us the issue of opening a window."

This remark made everyone laugh. This metaphor actually originated from an article by Lu Xun that Joseph had learned in his previous life. After transmigrating, he stole this metaphor and used it while chatting with Armand. Now it seems Armand is also using this metaphor he heard from him.

"This idea is not without merit," Lafayette also laughed, then frowned slightly and said, "It is just that I am still a bit worried that this play has stirred up the emotions of the citizens, especially those of the lower-class Sans-culottes. And once their emotions are stirred, they may not necessarily be willing to settle for just opening a window."

"But if we don't do this, the King will not feel any pressure at all, and will not agree to any changes," the Duke of Orleans said.

Marquis Lafayette looked up and stared deeply at the Duke of Orleans, but remained silent.

The Duke of Orleans continued: "Furthermore, Gilbert, you also know that the King has mobilized the army, which is also putting pressure on us. Damn it—you were the one who told me this news—how can we not have any response?"

"The French army will not take action against its own people. Our army is meant to protect the motherland, not to slaughter the people," Lafayette replied.

"Can you guarantee that?" the Duke of Orleans asked immediately.

"Of course I can!" Lafayette replied without hesitation.

"Then can you guarantee that those mercenaries won't slaughter the people either?"

Marquis Lafayette did not answer.

"If those mercenaries open fire on the people, what will the French army do? Will they ignore the King's orders and go to war with those foreign mercenaries, or will they stand on the sidelines and watch?" the Duke of Orleans pressed further.

Marquis Lafayette remained silent.

"You know the army doesn't know what to do," the Duke of Orleans continued. "If the army engages with the King's mercenaries, that means war has begun. This is not what you want to see. If you let them slaughter the people, I believe this is not what you want to see either. Besides, for the army to intervene in politics is not a good thing in the long run. Once such a habit is formed, the consequences will be endless."

Marquis Lafayette actually agreed with this point made by the Duke of Orleans in his heart, so he still could not bring himself to speak.

"Therefore, the balance of power is now very unfavorable to the people. Without a balance of power, there is no fair negotiation," the Duke of Orleans continued. "Under such circumstances, the King will not have the sincerity to accept our opinions. So, it is necessary for us to show the power of the people in some way, so that the King can sober up and avoid doing anything irrational."

What you are probably thinking is to make the people feel that the King is their enemy, so that you can eventually sideline him, or even replace him, Marquis Lafayette thought to himself. However, he did not say this out loud. Because although he himself did not have the idea of replacing the King (Marquis Lafayette was not of royal descent and had no right of succession), he did have the idea of sidelining the King and keeping the power of the kingdom firmly in his own hands. Although he could not become King, becoming a Richelieu, or even further, a palace mayor like Pepin, was not impossible. Therefore, ruining the King's reputation and setting the people against the King was also beneficial to him. So he still could not refute it, and could only say: "What kind of power can a play possibly show?"

The Duke of Orleans smiled: "A group of slaves, if they are determined to resist, can shake a powerful Rome. The French people of today are stronger than the slaves of Rome; and France, compared to Rome, is much weaker. At least the Roman legions would do their best to suppress the slaves, but our army will not—the King knows this too, and all he can rely on are those mountaineers and German mercenaries. If our King were a bit smarter, he should be able to understand the message this play is sending him. As long as the King is willing to compromise, we can achieve our goal of constitutional government."

"What if the King still refuses to compromise?" Marquis Lafayette asked again.

"Then we will arm the National Guard and use this force to create a balance with the mercenaries," Robespierre said. "The combat skills of the National Guard are certainly not as good as the mercenaries, but in terms of numbers, as long as it is needed, it is easy to make them several or even ten times the number of the mercenaries."

"I hope our King can understand the message this play conveys. Does he really want to follow the path of Charles I?" the Duke of Orleans added.

Marquis Lafayette frowned; the words of the Duke of Orleans were truly too blatant.

"It is truly as Shakespeare said: 'There's daggers in men's smiles: the near in blood, the nearer bloody.' (from Macbeth)"

He thought for a moment, and finally spoke: "Our Majesty is not as stubborn as Charles I; he will follow the trend of the times and become a monarch loved by the people."