Two or Three Attempts to Form the Zollverein (Part 2)

Before the nobles approached the French, they could not act directly due to the presence of Haynau.

After all, no one wanted to test whether the blade of this mad dog was still sharp.

Consequently, the high nobles resorted to their old tricks, propagating the idea that Austria harbored ambitions toward the three South German states. The three kings of South Germany were indifferent, and their officials even began inquiring whether they could retain their positions and salary benefits after joining Austria.

The reason the three South German states—Bavaria, Württemberg, and Baden—chose to lie flat was out of sheer helplessness. After the Napoleonic Wars, France had not been significantly weakened. The predicament of being sandwiched between the two lions of France and Austria remained unbroken.

On the contrary, the Napoleonic Wars had caused immense destruction to the governance of the three South German states. Although they were on the winning side, their strength had not increased; instead, it had suffered a massive decline.

Coupled with Prussia acquiring the Rhineland, the pressure this wolf exerted on South Germany grew with each passing day.

At this time, the three South German states lacked access to the sea and were primarily agricultural nations. To develop themselves, they had no choice but to rely on the surrounding predatory powers.

Dealing with tigers for their skins was never an easy task.

Austria once treated them as a bulwark against France; the French used them as pawns, with the Russian campaign nearly draining the three South German states dry and burying tens of thousands of their troops in the frozen wastes of Russia; the Prussians supported them only to weaken Austria—as for the price, those who understood, understood.

The domestic populace, the noble class, and even the capitalists had long been dissatisfied with such incompetent governments. Everyone hoped to change the status quo and have a powerful nation to protect their lives and property. A unified country and a unified market were their most urgent desires.

This was why South Germany became the primary gathering place for the Greater German faction.

As the former imperial house of the Holy Roman Empire, with the Austrian Empire serving as the current chair of the German Confederation, the fastest path to unifying Germany seemed to be relying on the authority of Austria and the House of Habsburg.

On the other hand, the reputation of the House of Habsburg was decent; the status and property of the nobles could be guaranteed, and they might even receive a handsome compensation. For those nobles whose finances were in deep deficit, this was a temptation not to be underestimated.

And while the regime was changing, getting rid of a batch of creditors—wouldn't that be wonderful?

Austrian law stipulated that officials must be proficient in German. This was a godsend for the officials and young talents of the three South German states. A larger country meant more positions.

After all, the number of core ethnic Austrians was quite insufficient relative to the size of the empire.

Since the high nobles could not pull off their conspiracies, they had to rely on open schemes: manipulating public opinion.

However, Metternich had long been prepared. Before the negotiations, he had specifically sought out the Archbishop of Linz to state the pros and cons.

At the negotiating table, a group of bishops from the church arrived uninvited. Facing these men of the cloth, the high nobles of Austria could not stand firm; after all, the only ones who could defeat the Kshatriyas were the Brahmins.

"Public opinion? Who says public opinion opposes joining the South German Zollverein?" the Archbishop of Linz said with a touch of disdain.

The previously arrogant aides of the high nobles immediately wilted, save for one young man who whispered, "This is the conclusion we reached after our investigation."

"Oh?" The Archbishop of Linz could not help but laugh. "Which diocese are you from, child?"

The surrounding bishops exchanged glances and also began to laugh. The aides of the high nobles, however, could not find it in themselves to smile.

"The Diocese of Bohemia," the young man replied.

"Very well, child." The Archbishop of Linz turned to the Archbishop of Polslu. "Your Diocese of Bohemia should hold a vote, and then let this child see the conclusion."

At this time, the church still held considerable weight in the Austrian Empire. While it might be difficult to get the parishioners to hand over their property to go to war, manipulating a vote was something they could do in minutes.

"Now, who else opposes us accepting our Catholic brothers from South Germany?" The words of the Archbishop of Linz were even more explicit, and not without a sense of contempt.

In this era, the relationship between the church and the nobility was not particularly good, especially with the new nobles involved in industry and commerce, as they refused to pay tithes and refused to pay tithes for their employees.

Especially after the Austrian Empire implemented religious freedom, the nobility and the church gradually drifted apart. The church relied on the state, while the nobles hoped to gain more power.

Of course, there was both opposition and cooperation between the nobility and the church. Many bishops were of noble birth, and many nobles would send their second sons, or daughters who could not fetch a good dowry, to the church to avoid the division of property.

Moreover, when it came to manipulating public opinion, the high nobles were truly no match for the church.

Facing the church, no high noble was willing to step forward to court such trouble; the only method they could think of was to drag things out.

Metternich had long anticipated the delaying tactics employed by the high nobles, but he did not believe these nobles could do anything more. At most, they might stir up local uprisings, and he had already ordered the Minister of War, Latour, to closely monitor domestic movements.

However, Metternich still underestimated the bottom line of these high nobles.

Not long after, a letter and 200,000 francs were placed on the desk of the French cabinet minister, Guizot.

"Respected Excellency Guizot,"

"The great French Empire is suffering from a shameless conspiracy. The despicable Germans are preparing to unite to oppose the great French Empire. The evil Prince Metternich intends to use an alliance to gradually annex the three South German states."

"Once the German conspiracy succeeds, the balance of power in Europe will inevitably be broken. The haze of war will once again shroud the skies of Europe. For the sake of freedom and peace,"

"I hope you can save the kind and innocent people from the baptism of war."

--A truly peace-loving European

The British received similar letters, but before they could react, the French struck first.

Guizot immediately used the name of Marshal Soult to issue a diplomatic note to the three South German states, demanding that they not join the customs union organized by Austria, otherwise France would reserve the right to use force to dissolve this alliance.

The leaders of the three South German states panicked and immediately recalled the envoys sent to Austria for negotiations. Regarding the French note, the pro-war faction led by the Minister of War, Latour, advocated for immediate mobilization of troops and notifying the nations of the Holy Alliance to prepare for war against France.

The high nobles warned the Emperor that the Austrian treasury was empty and its forces insufficient. Most importantly, if war broke out with the French, Austria would bear the brunt and certainly suffer huge losses. If they did not want the tragedy of the Napoleonic Wars to repeat itself, the best method was not to fight.

"You cowards! Do you think that by acting like turtles, the French won't see you? France is powerful, but have you forgotten who defeated them?" Latour had a fiery temper, and as a veteran of the anti-French wars, he could not stand the sight of others boosting the morale of the French.

"Latour! You brute, without money, do you intend to go to the battlefield yourself? Furthermore, are we to bleed Austria dry just because of Bavaria, Baden, and Württemberg?" Prince Windisch-Graetz retorted.

"Ferdinand (the name of Prince Windisch-Graetz), this is not for others! The French have bullied us to our very doorstep; this is something no soldier can tolerate."

"A soldier's duty is to obey and serve the state, not to satisfy your damn pride."

The two sides were at daggers drawn, and Francis II wavered in the middle. Honestly, he was very disgusted with France, but the Napoleonic Wars had left him with too many bad memories, and he felt a bit of trepidation.

At this moment, bad news arrived: an uprising had broken out in Bohemia, protesting the entry of South German goods into the region.

The local garrison could not suppress it and requested reinforcements from Vienna.

Francis II made the final decision: stop the formation of the South German Zollverein and focus all efforts on suppressing the domestic rebellion.

After the Emperor left, Latour glared at Prince Windisch-Graetz. "You scoundrel! How dare you!"

Everyone with a discerning eye knew that there were 80,000 regular troops in Bohemia, which was more than enough to suppress an uprising.