Never one to turn down a chance to watch the sparks fly, Franz paid a visit to another Conservative Party heavyweight, Count Kolowrat, and expressed his concern about the current situation.
Everyone in their circles was well-informed. The role Franz had played in this political conflict was no secret at all among the upper levels of government.
But they all had their principles. Franz's birth had already made him one of their own. At least when it came to facing a bourgeois revolution, they were all in the same boat, so naturally no one would leak the information.
Of course, even if someone did, it would make no difference. The conflict between the aristocracy and the bourgeoisie could no longer be eased. They still had to do what had to be done!
Should the aristocracy give up suppressing the bourgeoisie? Or should the bourgeoisie give up seizing power?
At a time like this, no one could afford to yield, and no one dared to. Taking one step back now wouldn't open up a broad new horizon; it would send them plunging into an abyss.
It had to be said, being young had its advantages. Otherwise, Franz would have to step into the limelight himself right now.
Of course, the bigger reason was that the Regency Council didn't want to give up the power in its hands so soon. They had no choice but to shoulder the blame.
Franz could step forward and draw the hatred, striking at the bourgeoisie, but the consequence would be that he, as Crown Prince, would assume the regency ahead of time, and the regents would become a thing of the past.
Meanwhile, things weren't going well for Prime Minister Metternich. He represented the interests of the aristocracy, yet styled himself a reformer. It didn't exactly fit.
The two factions in Austria had already been fighting tooth and nail, and then Franz had stirred things up. Now even the Conservatives were playing at reform.
People had always made an issue of serfdom, denouncing the Conservatives for holding Austria back, stripping serfs of their personal freedom, and exploiting them cruelly.
Now the aristocracy was striking back. They compared the lives of workers and serfs, and people suddenly realized that someone else had it even worse.
No matter how utterly depraved the aristocracy might be, they couldn't make serfs work fifteen or sixteen hours every day. Outside the busy farming season, where would they even find that much work?
Lighting was expensive in those days. When capitalists made workers pull night shifts, they made money. If nobles put serfs to work at night, they'd lose money.
There was no need to say more. Workers and serfs alike lived lives of misery!
But relatively speaking, workers in this era had it worse. Factories were like prisons: once you went in, it was hard to get out. The slightest misstep earned you a vicious beating.
As for wages and such, whether you got paid at all depended entirely on the capitalists' sense of decency. If you came across one who still had a conscience, you might get something. But if you ran into a ruthless one, you could work for years without pay and still end up owing him money.
The difficulty of getting paid wasn't just a problem in those days. Even in the twenty-first century, many regions still hadn't solved it.
Happiness came from comparison, and so did suffering.
With the aristocracy pulling the strings, the working class suddenly felt that they were the ones suffering most. At a time like this, if the government wanted to pass the Labor Protection Act, they had to support it!
When their own interests were at stake, the so-called constitutional reforms, universal suffrage, abolition of serfdom, and all the other issues could be postponed indefinitely.
The bourgeoisie weren't pushovers either. When their own interests were involved, they wouldn't yield an inch. Any patriotic principles they had were long gone, fed to the dogs.
Caught in the middle, Prime Minister Metternich was at his wits' end. This diplomatic strongman was powerless when faced with internal conflicts.
Just as he had with the earlier reform to abolish serfdom, he was still negotiating with representatives of the bourgeoisie, hoping to win their understanding and draft a law everyone could accept.
"Your Excellency, I'd like to know when the Labor Protection Act will be ready," Count Kolowrat asked coldly.
As Prime Minister Metternich's political enemy, how could he pass up a chance to stir up trouble? Even without Franz's hint, he would have taken action. It was just that his goal was clearer now.
"Count Kolowrat, the drafting of any law takes time. We need to conduct practical research and then carry out a thorough analysis. Be patient and wait," Metternich said disdainfully.
He saw no need to be courteous to his political enemies. No matter how nicely they spoke, they were still enemies.
"Your Excellency, I can wait, but the workers outside can't. You should know that hundreds of workers die every day in Austria because of the capitalists' unrestrained exploitation!
"They like to call themselves patriots, don't they? Every day, they act so high and mighty, accusing us of immorally depriving serfs of their freedom. So what are they doing now?
"Are workers not Austrian citizens? You should know that most of them are serfs we freed. Their emancipation didn't make their lives better. Instead, they fell into another abyss!
"And this abyss is even more terrifying. It will devour everything and, in the end, destroy all of Austria!" Count Kolowrat roared, pointing at Prime Minister Metternich.
He had backed Metternich into a corner. The purpose of freeing the serfs had been to give them better lives, yet the result was precisely the opposite. There was far too much evidence that their lives had become worse.
This was a heavy blow to Metternich's advocacy of abolishing serfdom. Until the problem was solved, all the work he had done so far would have to stop.
But solving it meant that he would have to break with the bourgeoisie, who supported abolishing serfdom, and might even have to crush them.
Most of the reformers in the country now belonged to the bourgeoisie. This would undermine his position as prime minister, unless he threw his full support behind the aristocracy.
Well, Prime Minister Metternich was himself a representative of the great aristocracy and had always stood with the nobles. Apart from the abolitionist movement, he had no objection to compromising with the aristocracy again. The problem was that there were strings attached to choosing sides.
He couldn't be forced into taking sides. It was a question of who would lead in the future. Metternich still wanted to become the aristocracy's leader, not an agent propped up by the aristocracy.
"Enough, Count Kolowrat. The government will give you an answer as soon as possible. You can go back and wait for news," Metternich said with a frown.
"I hope so. Otherwise, our prime minister will disappoint us," Count Kolowrat said sarcastically.
After Count Kolowrat left, Prime Minister Metternich's face darkened at once. He had been pressured to the brink; how could he possibly be in a good mood?
After pondering for a moment, Metternich slapped the table and muttered to himself, "That little trick of his, and he thinks he can seize power? Count Kolowrat must really be getting old!"
He spoke as if he were still young. In fact, Metternich, born in 1773, was seventy-four himself.
Before you continue