Conspiracy

The failure of the strike movement had shaken the prestige of the bourgeois leader, Mr. Veris. Many were skeptical of his ability to lead them in forcing the government to make concessions.

Conversely, the bourgeois revolutionary party had become active once more. A portion of the capitalists shifted their stance, secretly colluding with the revolutionaries in an attempt to overthrow the Vienna government and establish a bourgeois regime.

Of course, thinking about it was one thing, but actually raising the banner of rebellion was entirely out of the question. Even if a revolution were to happen, it would have to be someone else doing the work; they all possessed vast fortunes, and their own lives were far too precious.

Everyone was a smart person. The weakness of the Austrian Empire had not yet been fully exposed, and to rebel at such a time would easily turn one into a martyr.

Most capitalists had little faith in the revolutionary party; they still pinned their hopes on using non-violent means of struggle to force the government to concede.

Inside a manor on the outskirts of Vienna, a banquet was underway. As the host, Mr. Veris was delivering a passionate speech.

Indeed, this was the "banquet movement" imported from France, though it seemed to suffer from a bit of culture shock upon arriving in Austria. Aside from the capitalists, only a few scholars who had been hoodwinked by liberalism were in attendance.

"Gentlemen, we must unite. We failed last time precisely because we did not stand together, allowing the enemy to pick us off one by one!

As long as we unite and rise up to resist, the enemy will eventually be defeated by us, and victory will ultimately belong to us.

There is no need for revolution, no need for bloodshed. We shall defeat the enemy using the methods we know best, in the fields where we excel. Achieving this is not difficult!

As long as..."

Not everyone was satisfied with Veris's speech; at the very least, the revolutionaries who had come to attend the banquet were extremely displeased.

"Mr. Veris, can your so-called bloodless resistance truly force the enemy to concede? Wake up! The corrupt Vienna government will not listen to the voices of the people. True freedom can only be achieved through revolution..."

Before he could finish his sentence, Veris roared in anger: "Who let him in? Throw this bastard out at once! He is trying to get us all killed!"

Damn it, shouting about revolution with such fanfare—did he really think the Vienna government's secret police were useless?

It wasn't just Veris who was furious; many of the capitalists attending the banquet were also incensed. Even if one wanted a revolution, it had to be discussed in private. They could provide secret support, but to say it so loudly—what were they supposed to do?

Support the revolution? They would likely be thrown into prison before long. With so many people attending the banquet, who knew if there were traitors among them?

Opposition—they had to voice their opposition. When their own safety was involved, capitalists were extremely cautious. They vied to denounce the revolutionary party, acting as if they were the very models of loyalty and patriotism.

Vienna was not Paris; the revolutionary fervor here was not that high, and the Vienna government was not as unpopular as the July Monarchy. Not everyone wanted to rebel.

Disturbed by the revolutionaries, the speech naturally came to an abrupt end, and the event devolved into a secret meeting.

The lethality of the Labor Protection Act was significant. Even the servants hosting the banquet were among its beneficiaries; if one of them were to lose their head and sell them out, everyone had to be very careful.

"Mr. Veris, can we really force the government to concede by driving up prices? You must know that the nobility has considerable influence. If they move to block us, we might end up losing our investment instead of gaining anything!" the big capitalist Ham questioned.

The two were business rivals who had come together due to shared interests, yet the friction between them could not be erased.

Veris explained, "It is precisely because of the nobility that we will achieve final victory. Do not forget that our Prime Minister advocates for the abolition of serfdom. If the nobles don't find a way to bring him down, aren't they afraid he will force it through legislation just like he did this time?"

The moderate capitalist Field chimed in, "Mr. Veris is right. That old, immortal bastard Metternich has offended quite a few people over the years; there are plenty who want him out of office.

Once this old fox is gone, the new Prime Minister won't have his prestige. If they don't compromise with us, they can forget about stabilizing the situation!"

Field and Veris shared similar political philosophies; they both opposed violent revolution and advocated for securing their rights through bloodless means.

This was determined by their interests. As some of the foremost capitalists in Austria, they owned vast industries.

Once a revolution occurred, it would lead to a new reshuffling of interests, and if it failed, they would lose everything.

Veris spoke again, "Mr. Ham, the nobles aren't exactly saints either. We can have them join in on our price-gouging; we can all make money together. When it comes to their own interests, they won't block us.

We don't need many—as long as one-fifth of the nobles stand on our side, Metternich will be powerless. This time, our slogan is to make Metternich step down!

The issues of abolishing the Labor Protection Act, implementing constitutionalism, and universal suffrage can be shelved for now; we can wait until the next government."

Clearly, having failed once, Veris had become much more cautious.

The Labor Protection Act was a tool used by the conservative nobility to strike at the bourgeoisie, and they were clearly not going to make concessions easily.

As for constitutionalism and universal suffrage, those were even more out of the question. Once those slogans were shouted, they would face a full-scale crackdown from the noble faction.

Targeting only Prime Minister Metternich, however, was more likely to succeed, as there were many among the nobility who opposed him as well.

Ham thought for a moment and said, "Then I will trust you one more time. But what are your thoughts on the revolutionaries who appeared today? We are all sensible people here; there is no need to hide anything!"

Field sneered, "Does that even need to be asked? Of course, we must draw a clear line. You know what happened during the French Revolution; who would want to experience that?"

Ham mocked, "Mr. Field, let's dispense with such high-sounding rhetoric!

I know everyone has connections with them behind the scenes. What I mean is, have you considered increasing your support for them?

We don't need them to succeed; we just need them to tie up a portion of the government's energy, don't we?"

Veris hurriedly said, "Mr. Ham, let's put an end to this joke right here. I have never known any revolutionary party!"

Unlike the daring Ham, Veris was already old. With his vast family estate and business, he no longer wished to take risks. Providing secret funding to the revolutionary party was already the absolute limit of what he was willing to do.