Reforms Forced Upon Them

Prime Minister Felix was also a leading figure among Austria's hawks, and he agreed with Franz's view.

The Hungarian problem would have to be solved sooner or later. Compromise could not resolve it. Better a short, sharp pain than a lingering one; they might as well let the Hungarians rebel and put an end to the problem by force.

Historically, Austria had done just that. The only difference was that the Vienna Government had not gone far enough, showing mercy to the nobles in the end.

That won them the support of the aristocracy, but they also lost their best chance to resolve the Hungarian problem once and for all. Franz naturally intended to learn from that lesson.

At this time, the Hungarian nation had not yet taken shape. The only Hungarians were the 500,000 people with vested interests; the remaining 13 million or so had no national identity.

It was not until the Dual Monarchy was established that the Hungarian nation truly took shape. At this time, the Hungarian nobles and capitalists did not consider the common people one of their own.

And the common people needed no explanation. They were a bunch of illiterates struggling every day just to survive. Who had the energy to care about what a nation even was?

Even during the Hungarian revolt of 1848, when they raised the banner of nationalism, they themselves had no clear idea what nationalism meant. Most people in the so-called Hungarian nation did not even speak Hungarian, let alone know Hungarian culture.

In truth, nationalism had been exported to them by the French. Their main purpose was to sow chaos in Austria and help France achieve its goal of dominating Italy.

This was evident in many places. The failure of Southern Europe to complete its national integration was directly the Vienna Government's responsibility. If they had not neglected their duties, there would not have been so many messes in later generations.

"Your Highness, Austria's situation is unstable right now. If the Hungarians rebel at this moment, the military pressure on us will be too great!" Foreign Minister Metternich objected.

Franz smiled faintly. He knew Metternich had always preferred to resolve problems through political means. That was both a good thing and a bad thing.

Through political means, Metternich had ushered in thirty years of Austrian glory and preserved its status as a great power on the European Continent. But he had also allowed many conflicts that could have been resolved once and for all to pile up.

Take the 1846 revolution in Galicia, for example. The Vienna Government could have settled the problem then, but instead chose to compromise with the nobles and let the conflict fester.

"I know. But if we miss this opportunity, the Hungarians may keep dragging things out with us indefinitely. The Vienna Government has already become their scapegoat, taking on the anger of the common people on their behalf.

"Austria is old. We have too many internal conflicts. If we don't resolve them completely, this empire will be dragged down sooner or later.

"The military pressure is severe right now, but that doesn't mean there's no way to deal with it. The Foreign Ministry must contact the Russians as soon as possible. We need the Tsarist Government's support.

"If the situation continues to deteriorate, I would rather compromise with the French or the Prussians than with domestic rebels!"

Franz made clear his dissatisfaction with Metternich's past rule, and told everyone of his determination to crush the rebellion.

This answer was close to Prime Minister Felix's political views. Historically, after Vienna fell and the domestic situation grew even more dangerous, the Vienna Government had decided to abandon Northern Italy.

But Marshal Radetzky had refused to carry out the Vienna Government's orders. He did not withdraw his troops from Italy and continued to suppress the revolution.

The situation had not reached that point yet, and Austria would have to pay a much smaller price. At worst, they could recognize the Kingdom of Sardinia as being within the French sphere of influence.

At this time, France's own domestic situation was also chaotic. As the cradle of revolution, it had seen revolutionary banners flying in cities across the country, leaving it utterly incapable of waging war abroad.

The situation in the Kingdom of Prussia was no better than Austria's, to say the least. They had certainly not been spared the Great Revolutions of 1848.

If both rival powers had not fallen into trouble alongside them, 1848 would have been the end of the Austrian Empire. Austria was ready to split at the slightest blow.

"Your Highness, given Austria's current situation, we must carry out an internal reform. The serf question is one we cannot avoid." Finance Minister Karl broke the silence.

Everyone present was a noble, a member of the vested-interest group, and this reform would cut into their own flesh. Many wore displeased expressions.

Still, they were all clear-headed enough to know that Austria had no choice but to reform. No one spoke out against it.

Franz knew he had to propose the reform plan himself. Otherwise, if these few ministers were put in charge, it would once again end in an incomplete reform.

"The abolition of serfdom is the tide of history. The biggest problem now is what will happen to the serfs' livelihoods once serfdom is abolished.

"The solution is clear to everyone: the serfs must obtain land to secure their basic needs.

"But all the land is already owned, and Austria has no surplus land to distribute to them. The paths before us have already been taken by the British and the French.

"We either buy the nobles' land from them or seize it by force through a revolution. I doubt anyone wants their land forcibly taken, so in reality, we have only one choice."

Without a doubt, Franz knew which side he was on. He had raised the issue and stopped there, waiting for the cabinet members to respond.

Take only the Schwarzenberg family, to which Prime Minister Felix belonged: it owned 470,000 hectares of land. Now they were not only abolishing serfdom but also eyeing their land. Who could be happy about that?

"Your Highness, abolishing serfdom is easy enough, but taking the nobles' land is..."

Before Archduke Louis could finish, Franz interrupted him. "I have no intention of forcibly seizing land from every noble. The backlash would be too great.

"Given the current situation, I believe we can handle this in two ways. Any nobles who take part in the rebellion or assist the rebels will have all their land confiscated and made state property.

"This land will be leased to farmers, who will also be allowed to buy it. They can pay in installments to purchase ownership of the land.

"As for the nobles who remain loyal to the Emperor, we cannot treat them so harshly. I propose buying land from them, but not forcing them to sell.

"However, in return, once serfdom is abolished, nobles who refuse to sell must provide jobs for the serfs, turning them into agricultural or industrial workers to prevent social unrest.

"To ensure the country's stability, land rent throughout the country must not exceed half of the annual yield. And once the reform is complete, the nobles must also pay taxes!"