Forced Reforms

Prime Minister Felix was also a representative of the Austrian hawks, and he concurred with Franz's perspective.

The Hungarian issue had to be resolved sooner or later; relying on compromise would never solve the problem. A short pain is better than a long one; it would be better to let the Hungarians revolt and resolve the matter through force.

Historically, Austria had done exactly this, but the Vienna government had not been thorough, ultimately showing mercy to the nobility.

While this had won the support of the aristocratic class, it had also squandered the golden opportunity to resolve the Hungarian issue once and for all. Franz naturally intended to learn from that lesson.

During this period, the Hungarian nation had not yet taken shape. The current "Hungarian nation" consisted only of the 500,000 people with vested interests; the remaining thirteen million-plus were people without a nation.

It would not be until the establishment of the Dual Monarchy that the Hungarian nation would truly coalesce. At this time, the Hungarian nobility and capitalists did not consider the lower classes to be part of them at all.

As for the lower classes, they were a group of illiterate people struggling daily just to survive; who had the energy to care about what a "nation" was?

Even when the Hungarian rebellion of 1848 raised the banner of nationalism, they themselves had not figured out what nationalism was. Most of the so-called Hungarian nation could not even speak Hungarian, let alone understand Hungarian culture.

Nationalism was, in fact, exported to them by the French, primarily to destabilize Austria so that France could achieve its strategy of dominating Italy.

This was evident in many places. The Vienna government bore direct responsibility for the lack of national integration in Southern Europe; had it not been for their inaction, there would not have been so many messes in later generations.

"Your Highness, the situation in Austria is currently unstable. If the Hungarians were to revolt now, our military pressure would be too great!" Foreign Minister Metternich objected.

Franz smiled faintly. He knew that Metternich had always preferred using political means to solve problems—a trait that was both a blessing and a curse.

By utilizing political means, Metternich had forged thirty years of glory for Austria and maintained its status as a Great Power on the European Continent, but he had also allowed many conflicts that could have been resolved once and for all to accumulate.

For example, during the 1846 revolution in Galicia, the Vienna government could have solved the problem in one stroke, but the government chose to compromise with the nobility, leaving the conflict to fester.

"I know, but if we miss this opportunity, the Hungarians will likely continue to drag us down. The Vienna government has already become their scapegoat, bearing the anger of the lower classes on their behalf.

Austria is old, and we have too many internal contradictions. If we do not resolve them thoroughly, this empire will eventually be dragged to its ruin.

The military pressure is high right now, but it is not unsolvable. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs should communicate with the Russians as soon as possible; we need the support of the Tsar's government.

If the situation continues to deteriorate, I would rather compromise with the French and the Prussians than compromise with the rebels within our own borders!"

Franz expressed his dissatisfaction with Metternich's previous governance and signaled to everyone his determination to suppress the rebellion.

This answer was close to the political stance of Prime Minister Felix. Historically, because Vienna was lost and the domestic situation became even more critical, the Vienna government had decided to abandon Northern Italy.

However, Field Marshal Radetzky had refused to execute the Vienna government's orders, did not withdraw troops from the Italian region, and insisted on suppressing the revolution.

The current situation had not yet reached that point, and the price Austria would have to pay would be much smaller. At worst, they could acknowledge the Kingdom of Sardinia as being within the French sphere of influence.

At this time, the domestic situation in France was chaotic enough. As the cradle of revolution, the banner of revolution was flying in many French cities, and they had no capacity to launch a war abroad.

The Kingdom of Prussia was even worse off; their domestic situation was no better than Austria's. The Great Revolution of 1848 had certainly not spared them.

If it were not for the fact that both competitors were suffering the same fate, 1848 would have been the end of the Austrian Empire. At this moment, Austria was fragile enough to be shattered by a single poke.

"Your Highness, given Austria's current situation, we must carry out internal reforms, and the issue of serfdom is one we cannot bypass," Finance Minister Karl said, breaking the tension.

Everyone present was a noble, and as members of the vested interest group, this reform was essentially cutting their own flesh. Many of their expressions were quite grim.

However, they were all sensible people who knew that Austria could no longer function without reform, so no one spoke out in opposition.

Franz knew that he had to propose this reform plan himself; otherwise, if he left it to these men to preside over, it would just be another half-hearted reform.

"Abolishing serfdom is the trend of history. The biggest problem now is: after serfdom is abolished, what will happen to the lives of the serfs?

Everyone knows the solution to this situation: let the serfs acquire land to guarantee their basic living needs.

However, all land is currently owned by someone; Austria has no surplus land to distribute to them. The paths before us are ones that the British and the French have already walked.

Either we redeem the land from the nobility, or we forcibly strip the nobility of their land through revolution. I don't think anyone wants to be forcibly stripped of their land, so we effectively have only one choice."

Undoubtedly, Franz knew where his loyalties lay. He laid out the problem and stopped there, waiting for the reaction of the cabinet members.

If nothing else, the Schwarzenberg family, to which Prime Minister Felix belonged, held 470,000 hectares of land. Now, not only were they abolishing serfdom, but they were also eyeing their land—no one would be happy about that.

"Your Highness, abolishing serfdom is easy, but to strip the nobles of their land, this is..."

Before Archduke Louis could finish, Franz interrupted: "I have no intention of forcibly stripping all nobles of their land; the backlash would be too great.

Given the current situation, I believe we can proceed in two ways. Any noble who participates in the rebellion or provides aid to the rebels will have their land confiscated and nationalized.

This portion of the land will be leased to the peasants for use, and they will be allowed to redeem it, with the option to purchase ownership through installment payments.

As for the nobles who remain loyal to the Emperor, we naturally cannot treat them so crudely. I suggest we redeem the land from everyone, but without coercion.

However, in return, after the abolition of serfdom, nobles who refuse to sell their land must provide work for the serfs, turning them into tenant farmers or laborers to avoid social unrest.

To ensure the stability of the nation, land rents across the country shall not exceed fifty percent of annual income, and likewise, once the reforms are complete, the nobility must pay taxes!"