Reform Bill (Seeking Votes)

Free distribution of land was out of the question; if that were truly done, it would be a wonder if the nobles remained balanced in their hearts.

Moreover, Franz had not failed to hear the story of how "a measure of rice breeds gratitude, but a bushel breeds enmity." The current reform was already quite progressive; going too far would be as bad as not going far enough.

With the advancement of industrialization, Austria needed to transform peasants into workers. If everyone were given land, who would be willing to go to the cities to work?

Europe was not Asia; the per capita land ownership was not low, and the yields from the land were enough to fill their bellies. In this era, the living standards of workers were not even as high as those of peasants.

Upon hearing Franz's reform plan, the group breathed a sigh of relief. It was clear that this proposal took the interests of the nobility into account.

After the reform, even if everyone's interests suffered some losses, it was still acceptable. As for the nobles who participated in the rebellion, well, that was unfortunate—they were not within the scope of consideration.

"Your Highness, this reform plan is generally without issue, but could the clause restricting land rental income be removed? We could leave such matters to the market to decide!" Archduke Louis proposed.

Franz shook his head and said, "No. If we do not impose restrictions, I fear this will be no different from before the reform. We cannot guarantee that all nobles possess integrity."

"If a few greedy fools mess things up, this reform of ours will soon fail. The current serf uprisings are the best negative example."

Franz had no desire to experience the greed of the nobility. If this were several hundred years ago, perhaps one could hold out some hope, but in this day and age, it was not worth considering.

Considering Austria's unique national conditions, he had already made concessions. He had balanced everyone's interests to the greatest extent possible; he had not even brought up the abolition of noble privileges yet.

For the sake of social stability, Franz had to choose to boil the frog in warm water, resolving the country's greatest contradictions first.

Prime Minister Felix thought for a moment and said, "I believe the vast majority of the nobility can accept this reform, and we can handle the ideological work for the rest."

"If some insist on refusing, we will not force them. Should a rebellion occur, they will be responsible for the safety of their own persons and property; the Empire will not protect greedy fools!"

There was nothing strange about this; one's position determines one's perspective. Having become the Prime Minister of Austria, Felix had to consider matters from the government's standpoint.

With his own interests guaranteed to remain intact, he likewise had no affection for those who hindered the Empire's progress. By comparison, Archduke Louis had yet to shift his stance.

Nearby, the former Prime Minister Metternich could only offer a bitter smile. If he had insisted on reform back then, perhaps the situation would be different now.

The cabinet reached a consensus on the reform of the serfdom system. This meant that many people were about to fall on hard times. The policies implemented by the Vienna government during the Metternich era had now completely changed.

Neither Felix nor Franz could tolerate a group of incompetent bureaucrats. Soon, the Vienna government would undergo a massive purge.

Franz had already thought of the charges: investigating corruption and bribery would suffice. In any case, few officials in Austria were clean; using this reason could send over ninety percent of Austria's officials to prison.

Of course, the scope of the crackdown would certainly not be that wide. Only those fools who were greedy, incompetent, and blind would be finished. Others, as long as they could efficiently complete the tasks deployed by the government, would pass for the time being.

As for whether there would be a settling of accounts later, that would depend on the finances of the Austrian government. If the treasury were truly in difficulty, Franz would have to slaughter the pigs.

Out of consideration for national interests, the cabinet also had to find ways to strike at the nobles in the Italy and Hungary regions.

Local forces were too powerful, which was detrimental to the authority of the central government. Franz did not need to say a word; everyone would act with tacit understanding.

The situation in Austria was already dire. Lombardy and Venice had already rebelled and were currently being suppressed.

The Galicia region had seen uprisings, the Czech region wanted autonomy, and the Hungarians had formed a responsible cabinet. Even if they had not raised the banner of rebellion, there was effectively no difference.

Beyond that, other places were not exactly peaceful either. The people of Croatia were currently very confused; originally, they were part of the Kingdom of Hungary, but the newly emerged Hungarian nationalism had excluded them from the scope of power.

The populace was polarized: one group wanted to remain in Hungary, while the other wanted to join Austria and become an autonomous province.

Fortunately, they remained loyal supporters of the Habsburg Family, which was something to be encouraged.

The people in the Dalmatia region could no longer survive. The area was already poor, and the nobles and capitalists had squeezed them a bit too hard; hunger riots were intensifying.

Revolutionary parties had now appeared in the Slovenia region, and Transylvania and Slovakia were also experiencing varying degrees of chaos. There was almost no peaceful place in all of Austria.

Historically, it was this specific situation that forced the Austrian government to carry out reforms.

However, at that time, Vienna had fallen and could not be recaptured for a long time, causing the prestige of the Habsburg Family to drop to its lowest point, forcing them to rely on the power of the nobility to suppress the rebellion.

This resulted in reforms that leaned excessively toward the noble class, while the government also made concessions to local forces, burying the seeds of the Empire's collapse.

Things were different now. The Vienna rebellion had been quickly extinguished, the power of the nobility had been struck, and the authority of the central government had not been severely damaged.

The military forces in the hands of the Austrian government were much stronger than in the corresponding period in history. They had not had to draw troops from the provinces to suppress the Vienna rebellion; this was the source of Franz's confidence in dealing with the crisis.

On March 19, 1848, the Vienna government issued the Abolition of Serfdom Act. All peasants automatically gained the status of free citizens and enjoyed corresponding rights and obligations.

The highly controversial issue of serfdom was finally resolved. From this day forward, all forced labor was prohibited in Austria, with the exception of criminals, of course.

On March 20, the Vienna government issued the Land Redemption Act, encouraging nobles to sell land to the government, though it was not mandatory.

The government would lease land to peasants and allow them to purchase the land they rented through installments, with a maximum term of forty years. Once the payment was cleared, they would obtain ownership of the land.

If any changes occurred midway, peasants could apply for a refund unconditionally. During this period, leaving land uncultivated was prohibited.

The Vienna government was still dominated by the nobility; it was impossible for them to revolt against themselves.

Franz was a realist; when it was time to compromise, he would compromise. He did not aggressively seek to confiscate noble land, as that was impossible.

He only had to look at how many noble officers were in the army and how many noble employees were in the government to know what he should do.