Free land for everyone was out of the question. If they really did that, the nobles would never accept it.
Besides, Franz had heard the story of how a small favor earned gratitude, but a greater one bred resentment. This reform was already quite progressive; too much was as bad as too little.
As industrialization advanced, Austria would need to turn its peasants into workers. If everyone received land, who would be willing to go to the cities for work?
Europe was nothing like Asia. There was no shortage of land per capita, and what it yielded was enough to fill people's stomachs. At this time, workers' living standards were actually lower than peasants'.
After hearing Franz's reform plan, everyone breathed a sigh of relief. Clearly, it took the nobles' interests into account.
Even if everyone suffered some losses after the reform, they could still accept them. The nobles who had joined the rebellion, on the other hand, were out of luck. They were not being considered.
"Your Highness, there's nothing wrong with this reform plan overall. But could we remove the restriction on rental income from land and let the market decide these matters?" Archduke Louis suggested.
Franz shook his head. "No. Without restrictions, I'm afraid things would be no different from before the reform. We can't guarantee that every noble has a shred of decency.
"If a few greedy fools start making a mess of things, this reform will fail before long. The current serf uprisings are the best cautionary tale."
Franz had no desire to find out just how greedy the nobles could be. A few hundred years ago, perhaps there might have been reason for hope. Now, there was no point even considering it.
Given Austria's unique circumstances, he had already made concessions. He had done his utmost to balance everyone's interests, and had not even brought up abolishing the nobles' privileges.
For the sake of social stability, Franz had no choice but to boil the frog slowly, dealing with the country's greatest source of conflict first.
Prime Minister Felix thought for a moment, then said, "I think the vast majority of nobles can accept this reform. We can also work on persuading the rest.
"If anyone remains opposed, we won't force them. But should a rebellion break out, they'll be responsible for their own lives and property. The Empire won't protect greedy fools!"
There was nothing strange about it. Where a person sat determined their point of view. As Austria's prime minister, Felix had to consider things from the government's perspective.
With his own interests protected, he had no fondness for those obstructing the Empire's progress either. Archduke Louis, by comparison, had yet to change sides.
Metternich, the former prime minister sitting nearby, could only smile bitterly. If he had insisted on reform back then, perhaps things would have turned out very differently.
The cabinet had reached a consensus on reforming serfdom. That meant many people were in for trouble. The policies implemented by the Vienna Government during Metternich's time had now changed completely.
Neither Felix nor Franz could tolerate a bunch of incompetent bureaucrats. Before long, the Vienna Government would undergo a major purge.
Franz had already thought up the charge: investigate corruption and bribery. After all, hardly any Austrian officials were clean. This charge could send more than ninety percent of Austria's officials to prison.
Of course, the purge would not be that sweeping. Only the fools who were greedy, incompetent, and blind to the way things stood would be done for. Everyone else would get off for now, as long as they could efficiently carry out the government's orders.
Whether they would settle accounts later would depend on the Austrian Government's finances. If the treasury was truly in trouble, Franz would have to slaughter a pig.
For the sake of national interests, the cabinet would also have to find ways to weaken the nobles in Italy and Hungary.
Local powers had grown too strong, undermining the central government's authority. Franz did not need to say anything; everyone would understand and act in tacit agreement.
Austria's situation had grown extremely grim. Lombardy and Venice had already rebelled and were now being suppressed.
An uprising had broken out in Galicia, the Czech region wanted autonomy, and the Hungarians had established a Responsible Cabinet. Even though they had not openly raised the banner of rebellion, in practice there was little difference.
The other regions were hardly peaceful either. The Croatians were confused. They had once been part of the Kingdom of Hungary, but the newly emerging Hungarian nation had excluded them from its sphere of rights.
Public opinion had split in two. Some wanted to remain in Hungary, while others wanted to join Austria as an autonomous province.
Fortunately, they remained loyal supporters of the Habsburg Family, which was worth encouraging.
The people of Dalmatia could no longer survive. The region had been poor to begin with, and the nobles and capitalists had squeezed them a little too hard. The hunger riots were growing ever more fierce.
Revolutionaries had now appeared in Slovenia. Transylvania and Slovakia had also seen unrest to varying degrees. There was hardly a peaceful place left in the whole of Austria.
Historically, it was precisely this extraordinary situation that had forced the Austrian Government to reform.
But at the time, Vienna had fallen and could not be recaptured for a long while. The Habsburg Family's prestige had sunk to its lowest point, leaving it no choice but to rely on the nobles to suppress the rebellion.
That had caused the reforms to lean too heavily toward the noble class. The government had also made concessions to local powers, planting the seeds of the Empire's collapse.
Things were different now. The Vienna rebellion had been swiftly crushed, and the nobles had also suffered a blow. The central government's authority remained intact.
The Austrian Government's military strength was far greater than it had been at the same point in history. It had not had to pull troops out of the provinces to suppress the Vienna rebellion. That was what gave Franz the confidence to face the crisis.
On March 19, 1848, the Vienna Government issued the Abolition of Serfdom Act. All peasants automatically gained free status, along with the corresponding rights and obligations.
The long-disputed issue of serfdom had finally been settled. From then on, Austria would prohibit all forms of forced labor, with the exception of criminals.
On March 20, the Vienna Government issued the Land Redemption Act, encouraging nobles to sell land to the government, but not compelling them to do so.
The government would lease the land to peasants and allow them to buy the land they rented in installments over a period of up to forty years. Once the payments were complete, they would gain ownership of the land.
If circumstances changed before then, peasants could apply for a refund without conditions. Leaving land fallow during this period was prohibited.
The Vienna Government was still dominated by nobles. It could hardly start a revolution against itself.
Franz was a realist. When compromise was necessary, he compromised. He had no radical plans to confiscate the nobles' land. That was impossible.
All he had to do was look at how many noble officers were in the army and how many noble employees were in the government to know what he had to do.
(Please vote for recommendations. I feel like this novel's doomed.)
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