Legal Weapons

On March 21, the Vienna Government introduced the Land Lease Act, which established farmers' right to lease land and stipulated that rent could not exceed fifty percent of the land's yield.

This was meant to safeguard farmers' most basic rights to survival. Without restrictions, another hunger riot would likely break out before long.

On March 22, the Vienna Government introduced the Serf Settlement Security Act, requiring nobles to provide released serfs with a basic livelihood and address their employment.

That is: farmers could not be deprived of the right to live in their existing homes; nobles had to lease land to them or hire them to ensure they had work.

To prevent capitalist nobles from taking advantage of the chaos, on March 23, 1848, the Vienna Government introduced the Anti-Usury Act.

The act stipulated that loans of any kind within Austria could not carry an annual interest rate above thirty-five percent; loans to vulnerable groups such as farmers and workers could not exceed twenty-five percent per year.

For all personal loans, interest was calculated on the amount actually received.

After May 1, 1848, all usurious contracts would be deemed invalid and have no legal effect—in other words, borrowers would no longer have to repay them. For usurious contracts already signed, the law would protect only returns within the legal limit.

This was a precaution. In reality, when the cabinet drafted this law, its members didn't believe the nobles would take advantage of the chaos. Usually, only capitalists did that sort of thing.

All right, Franz didn't argue with them over this. The great nobles certainly wouldn't do it; such meager returns weren't worth getting their hands dirty for. The lesser nobles were another matter.

There were poor nobles, too. Every year, a number of nobles across Europe went bankrupt, and those people couldn't afford to worry about noble honor.

Since the point was to crack down on capitalists, the Anti-Usury Act naturally contained plenty of provisions unfavorable to lawbreakers. The penalties, for instance, were terrifyingly severe.

Anyone caught lending at usurious rates would have all their property confiscated, then be sent to prison for at least three years. A life sentence was well within reach.

On March 25, the Vienna Government introduced the Minimum Wage Act, a supplementary act to the Labor Protection Act that set minimum wage standards.

Since economic conditions varied from region to region, the first minimum wages announced applied only to the Vienna area: male workers would receive 4.5 gulden per week, female workers 2.5 gulden per week, and child workers 45 kreuzers per week.

(Note: 1 gulden = 11.6928 grams of silver = 60 kreuzers.)

Franz was very pragmatic. He hadn't set wages beyond what the circumstances could bear. These rates could only meet the workers' basic needs; if they wanted a better life, they still had to work overtime.

Even the use of child labor, which he loathed most, remained unresolved.

There was no way around it. This was simply Austria's reality. Banning factories from employing children was easy, but once they lost their source of income, the children's livelihoods would become a serious problem.

Still, these laws had a positive effect. They modestly improved workers' conditions and secured their basic needs—though only their right to survive.

For a better life, they would have to wait for productivity to develop further. That was dictated by social reality: if labor costs weren't kept down, businesses would lose their competitive edge.

It could be said that 1848 was Austria's year of legislation. Perhaps because Franz was used to living in a society governed by the rule of law, he was extremely enthusiastic about passing laws.

Franz alone passed fifteen laws in March. After he became regent, it seemed a new bill came out nearly every day.

They ranged from the initial abolition of serfdom to laws and regulations specifically protecting workers' rights in the later stages.

Whatever else these laws achieved, they had the Reform Party in Austria thoroughly dazzled. Everyone believed this reform would be earth-shattering in scope.

Franz successfully shifted the public's attention through legislation. Because the laws covered such a broad range, their introduction also met the needs of serfs and workers.

The antagonism between the public and the government began to ease. Before anyone realized it, the revolution had lost its popular base. For now, of course, this shift had occurred only in Vienna; other regions would need time to follow suit.

Those were all matters for the future. Just then, the Austrian Government received some good news: the Berlin Revolution had broken out on March 18, and Prussia had been swept into the revolutionary tide as well.

Being the only one in trouble was bound to sour the mood. Now there was another unlucky fellow, and everyone felt a lot better.

Of course, the main concern was that the Kingdom of Prussia might take advantage of the chaos. Now that revolution had broken out in Berlin, Prussia had its hands full and couldn't cause trouble at a time like this.

Their good mood didn't last long. The Czech region was in an uproar again. Franz didn't even need to think about it: the major capitalists there were Austrians, so how could they not be involved?

They now wanted not only to establish a unified Czech parliament, but also to form an independent National Guard. They were also demanding that Czech be granted the same status as German.

There was no question about it: demands that would divide the country were out of the question. The Vienna Government would never agree to Austria's breakup.

Intelligence agents were now compiling a list of the nobles and capitalists involved in the demonstrations. Franz was already preparing to crack down in the Czech region.

The biggest problem facing ordinary people in this era was still getting enough to eat. Any demand beyond that meant someone was pulling the strings.

Franz had always scoffed at history books that lumped the petty bourgeoisie and the working class together. How could the needs of the exploiting class and the exploited class possibly be the same?

The Austrian Government was pushing forward the Labor Protection Act. At a time like this, there was no reason for workers to oppose the government fighting for their rights, was there?

According to the reports that came back, the main participants in the demonstrations in Prague were students and the petty bourgeoisie. The workers were simply treating the demonstrations as a job: they were being paid to take part.

"Prime Minister, how does the cabinet intend to handle the demonstrations in Prague?"

Franz flatly ignored their demands. There was no way they could be accepted; there was no need even to discuss them.

"We've already ordered the Prague Government to arrest the plotters behind this conspiracy. The cabinet has also ordered Prince Windisch-Grätz to prepare to suppress the rebellion!" Felix said, murder in his eyes.

At a time like this, the Vienna Government couldn't afford to back down. He couldn't even be bothered with a show of diplomacy. The Czech region was different from the others; there simply wasn't a popular base for revolution there.

In his view, this was a retaliatory move by certain nobles and capitalists dissatisfied with the Vienna Government's reforms. After all, if a Kingdom of Bohemia were established, these laws wouldn't have to be enforced there.

Thanks, everyone, for your support. Haiyue was truly grateful!!!

As for updates, I've been working hard. Two chapters a day during a new book's launch period is already very generous; I can't do more. I'll make it up to you with a burst of chapters once the book is on sale!!!