Economic Base and Superstructure (3)

"What reactionary rulers? We are clearly the most enlightened rulers," Lucien said.

"Then we must become more adept at using these two tools," Joseph replied.

"Joseph, ignore this fool, let's continue our previous conversation," Napoleon said.

"Of these two methods, the use of force must be cautious. If it is used, it must be swift and decisive, nipping the unrest in the bud. What are the most dangerous signs of unrest we need to be wary of? My brothers, the most dangerous sign is the emergence of organization at the grassroots level. If someone tries to organize the grassroots, those Sans-culottes, we need to take immediate action to destroy their organization. We can tolerate unorganized riots, but we cannot tolerate organized riots, even peaceful demonstrations. Because organization itself signifies real power." At this point, Joseph recalled the successful experience of a certain Lighthouse Country in later generations.

For a period of time, the Lighthouse Country was actually just a "beacon of freedom," not a "beacon of democracy." At that time, the banner of democracy was still waving in the hands of its most dangerous enemy, the polar bear. And at that time, the country that most liked to promote democracy around the world was not the Lighthouse Country, but the honest and reliable Russian bear.

At that time, a group of Black people in the Lighthouse Country, led by a Black pastor, began to challenge the Lighthouse Country system, demanding democracy from the Lighthouse Country. They even led hundreds of thousands of Black people and lower-class white people to the Lincoln Memorial for a peaceful demonstration.

It was called a peaceful demonstration, and it truly was. Hundreds of thousands of people marched without littering—what incredible organizational power! It was far more dangerous than looting and rioting. Moreover, the black pastor even gave a speech at the rally. While his concept of "non-violent non-cooperation" was far more benign than ideas of "armed seizure of power," it was still a guiding principle for rebellion. With theory and organization, what would become of it if it continued? Therefore, the Lighthouse Country decisively took the decapitation measure, killing the black pastor with a single shot.

After the Black pastors, what other "Black Panther Party" came along? Not the Black Panther who made ordinary people live primitive lives while he played the role of a superhero—they believed that changing the world required long-term organization and mobilization of the people. They tried to create revolutionary socialism through mass organization and community program planning, providing free breakfasts to poor children in Black communities and giving political education to community members, hoping to gradually change people's minds and empower them—see? They actually wanted to organize!

So how to deal with them? The old trick, of course: beheading them. Soon, the Black Panther Party leaders were either shot dead or thrown into prison. Then, protests and riots naturally occurred, but what threat could unorganized and undisciplined riots pose?

"Once we discover they intend to organize, like the Britain Textile Workers' Union, especially the kind that is both organized and ideological, we must immediately take measures to dismantle them, including physical dismantling. Of course, doing so sometimes comes with high costs, so if deception is possible, it's best to use deception. Hmm, Napoleon, how can you make a field so that no matter how you sow, no crops grow?" Joseph suddenly asked again.

"Ah, that's simple," Napoleon said, leaning back in his soft chair. "Just let the ground grow full of weeds."

"That's right," Joseph said, glancing at Lucien at the same time.

"I... give me a little more time, and maybe I can answer this question," Lucien thought somewhat guiltily.

"So what are weeds? They are what look like the workers' organization, but are actually our organization's organization," Joseph said. "What are the characteristics of the workers in our factory? The workers in our factory can be divided into two categories: ordinary workers with very high turnover and relatively stable skilled workers. The situations of these two types of workers are also very different."

First, the wages of ordinary workers are quite low, far less than those of skilled workers, and even less than those of farmers. Our skilled workers, even the lowest-level skilled workers, earn more than five times the wages of ordinary workers. As for the most skilled skilled workers, their income is more than ten times, or even dozens of times, that of ordinary workers.

One consequence of this is that although skilled workers and ordinary workers are both called workers, their lifestyles are completely different. For skilled workers, their lives are already considered decent. But for ordinary workers, they can only be said to be living on the edge of subsistence. But we have provided them with a pressure relief valve, which is North America. One of their life goals is to earn enough money to buy a ship ticket and go to North America.

Moreover, they also differ significantly from skilled workers in terms of ethnic composition. More than half of the ordinary workers in our factory are foreigners holding green cards, or rather, 'prospective France citizens'."

When he mentioned "the France in preparation," Joseph couldn't help but reveal a smug smile.

So-called "prospective France citizens" can only become France citizens after arriving in Louisiana. The green card they hold is proof that they have passed a "basic French language test" and taken an "oath of allegiance to France." Only with this document can they buy land at low prices and obtain low-interest loans in Louisiana. However, if they are involved in criminal activities while in France, they will be disqualified and deported. Therefore, these "prospective France citizens" with green cards are generally very well-behaved and dare not cause trouble. In any case, they won't stay in France for very long.

"These 'prospective France's are highly mobile; they won't stay here long anyway, so it's inherently difficult for them to build up an organization. Add to that the language barrier, the legal issues, and the exploitation from their own back home—with them as a contrast, our exploitation of them isn't actually that intolerable."

As for skilled workers, their situation is different. They are relatively stable; in fact, one could say they could work in the factory for their entire lives as long as things go smoothly. Their income is good, and their lifestyle is different from that of ordinary workers. This lifestyle makes them emotionally closer to the upper class than the lower class. Their lives are decent, and even though they realize we are exploiting them, they also consider that if they fight back, everything they have could vanish. They might complain, they might say sarcastic things, and when we mistreat them, they might cry out, "Gently, it hurts!" but they won't truly resist because they fear losing everything they currently have, even if they barely manage to have it. Therefore, they are the easiest to buy off and control.

They spent a long time in the factory and had low turnover, so we were the first to establish unions based on them. These unions appeared to be for the benefit of the workers, but in essence, they were for our benefit. However, not everyone could see this.

Now this land is overgrown with our weeds, making it incredibly difficult for those who want to cultivate the fruits of revolution here, isn't it? They'll need to put in much more effort to grow crops that will bear the fruits of revolution. At least they'll need to get rid of these weeds first. But the skilled workers—or, we should call them the working aristocracy—will think our unions are protecting them, and then they'll break away from the ordinary workers. They'll protect these weeds, and then the workers will be torn apart internally. Isn't that wonderful?"

"This is part of the propaganda," Napoleon nodded. "It is indeed very enlightening. Isn't that part of the deception?"

"Of course. In addition to that, there should also be ideological deception," Joseph continued. "An important factor in the formation of a revolutionary organization is that they are guided by revolutionary ideas."

Frankly speaking, before the French Revolution, the living conditions of the France people were not worse than those of other neighboring countries. Whether it was the Italy, Spain, Highlanders, Lowlanders, or even the Prussia Austria, their lives were no better than France's, and in most cases, worse. Why were the France the first to break down and rise up in revolution, rather than the people of these other countries? Lucien, you answer that question."

"Ah, I know that, because they don't have Voltaire and Rousseau," Lucien replied immediately.

"That's a fairly accurate statement." Joseph nodded. "It's precisely because the Enlightenment emerged in France, and people like Voltaire and Rousseau appeared—the two were mortal enemies in life, but after the revolution, they were both sent to the Panthéon, and so close together. If they could know what was happening in the dead, they would probably be arguing every day."

It was precisely because of these ideas that various clubs were subsequently organized around them, including the Jacobin Club. Without these ideas, France might not have been the first country to experience a revolution. So, Lucien, do you know what your work entails?"

"I think it should be something more metaphysical than the 'our trade unions' that Napoleon mentioned earlier. Well, 'our trade unions' are organizational weeds, and I'm responsible for providing something much higher—spiritual weeds."

"No, no, no, that's not it," Napoleon said, shaking his finger. "That's not it."

"What is it like?" Lucien, somewhat displeased.

"You're not planting weeds, you're planting all sorts of poisonous weeds!" Napoleon replied.

Lucien instinctively wanted to refute Napoleon, but upon reflection, he realized that Napoleon's words did indeed have some merit, so he kept quiet.

"We must promote theories that benefit our rule. For example, we must emphasize freedom, and stress that economic freedom is the foundation of all freedom. And since we already have such an advantage, any freedom is unilaterally advantageous to us."

Secondly, we need to promote a 'free lifestyle,' one that those working-class elites aspire to. This lifestyle should make those working-class elites—well, we can give them a name, let's call them the middle class—feel that with a little effort and a little struggle, they can reach it, or that their children can reach it. Let them become obsessed with this 'free lifestyle.' Then they will become our staunch supporters, even if we are actually exploiting them.

We also need to promote various forms of entertainment and provide all kinds of entertainment that can drain people's energy. Often, false entertainment can wear people down, making them intoxicated by illusions and immersed in false happiness, so that they don't cause any trouble.

Yes, we can tailor-make some things like that for them.

First, there's entertainment for venting frustrations, such as the open sex industry, heated election campaigns, endless mudslinging, and the abuse of various drugs. Second, there's entertainment for satisfaction, which includes reporting on trivial matters like cute animals or celebrity scandals, along with various holiday promotions and mass entertainment like theater performances and competitions. This allows them to expend excessive energy and avoid thinking about things they shouldn't be thinking about.

Furthermore, the group most prone to developing class consciousness is the ordinary workers. We need to reinforce their foreign identity, and if they do anything that doesn't align with our wishes, we should steer the conflict towards ethnic tensions, claiming that it's all because of those foreigners who have corrupted our workers."

Disguising class conflict as ethnic conflict, or even racial conflict, is a common tactic in later generations. The Lighthouse Country, in particular, excels at this approach. France at this time naturally possessed the conditions to implement it. The existence of a large self-sufficient farming class was equivalent to the rednecks in the Lighthouse Country. And the Germany and the like were equivalent to the Latinos in the United Lighthouse Country. Therefore, Joseph felt that although such tactics were not yet necessary, it was good to prepare in advance.

"Furthermore, we must grasp the theory of economics. We need to convince the people that our relationship with capitalists is not one of employment, but cooperation. We must leave some upward mobility channels for the lower classes. Although we don't need many, there must be some. And we must publicize such examples as much as possible, encouraging others to learn from these lucky individuals, and to focus all their efforts on these areas, on competing with each other for these channels..."